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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MSSO 

(716)S72-4S03 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IVIicroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


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Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notat/Notas  tachniquas  at  bibliographiquas 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


>/ 


n 


D 


D 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagia 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurAe  et/ou  pellicul6e 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiquas  en  couleur 


□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  inttrieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte. 
mais,  lorsque  cela  Atait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  ^ti  filmies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplAmentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm*  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  AtA  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique.  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mftthode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagias 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaurAes  et/ou  peiliculAes 


I      I    Pages  damaged/ 

r~~1    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 


Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicolor^es,  tachetdes  ou  piquies 


I      I    Pages  detached/ 


Pages  d^tachies 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualit^  inAgale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  material  supplimantaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


r^  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I     I  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  film^es  d  nouveau  de  fspon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


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This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

sm 

y 

12X 


16X 


aox 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  geneiosity  off: 

National  Library  o'  Canada 


L'exemplaire  ffilmA  fut  reproduit  grAce  k  la 
gintrositi  de: 

BibliothAque  nationale  du  Canada 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

IVIaps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
difffferent  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  images  sulvantes  ont  M  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exemplaire  fiimi,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim6e  sont  filmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  ffllmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microffiche.  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  6tre 
filmfo  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  6tre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film6  A  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m6thode. 


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APDEESS. 


7%c  unieraigned  Memhera  of  the  House  of  Retireaentativea^  to 
their  reafiective  Conatituenta* 


A  REPUBLIC  has  for  its  basis  the  capacity  and  ripht  :.f 
the    people  to  govern  themselves.     A  main  principle  of 
a  representative    republic  is  the  responsibility  of  the  rcpw- 
sentalives  lo  their   constituents.     Freedom  and  publicity   of 
debate  are  essential  to  the  preservation  of  such  forms  of  gov- 
ernment. Etery  arbitrary  abridgcmeitt  of  the  right  of  speech 
in  representatives,  is  a  direct  infringement  of  the  liberty  of 
the  people.      Every  unnecessary  concealment  of  their  pro- 
ceedings an  approximation  tov;ards  tyranny.     When,  by  sys- 
tematic rules,  a  majority  takes  to  itself  the  right,  at  its  pleas* 
urC)  of  limiting  speech,  or  denying  it,  altogether:  when  se- 
cret sessions  multiply ;  and  in  proportion  to  the  importance 
of  questions,  is  the  studious  concealment  of  debate,  a  peo- 
ple may  be   assured,  that,   such  practices  continuing,  their 
-freedom  is  but  short-lived. 
^  Reflections,  such  as  these,  have  been  forced  upon  the  atten- 
tion  of  the  undersigned,  Members  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives of  the  United  States^  by  the  events  of  the  present  ses- 
sion of  Congress.    They  have  -witnesssd  a  principle  adopted 
as  the  law  of  the  House,  by  which  under  novel  application  of 
the  previous  question,  a  power  is  assumed  by  the  majority  to 
deny  ttie  privilege  of  speech  at  any  stage,  and  under  any  cir. 
cumstances  of  debate.   And  recently,  by  an  unpreeedented  as- 
sumption, the  right  to  give  reasons  for  an  original  motion, 
has  been  made,  to  depend  upon  the  will  of  the  majority » 

Principles  more  hostile  than  these  to  the  existence  of  rep- 
resentative liberty,  cannot  easily  be  conceived.  It  is  not,  how- 
ever on  these  accounts,  weighty  as  they  are,  that  the  under- 
signed have  undertaken  this  address.  A  subject  of  higher  and 
more  immediate  importance  impels  them  to  the  present  duty. 
^  The  momentous  question  of  war,  with  Great  Britain,  is  de- 
cided.    On  this  topic»  so  vital  to  your  interests,  the  right  of 
,  public  debate,  in  the  f^ice  of  the  world  and  especially  of  their 
.constituents,  has  been  denied  to  your  representatives.     They 
have  been  called  into  secret  session,  on  this  most  interesting 
of  all  your  public  relations,  although  the  circumstances  of  the 
times  and  of  the  nationj  afforded  no  one  reason  for  secrecy,  un- 


less  it  be  found  im  the  uppnehentiion  of  the  effect  of  public 
debate,  on  public  opiTiion  :  or  of  public  opinion  on  the  result 
of  the  TC/te. 

Except  the  message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
>vhich  is  now  before  the  public,  nothing  confidential  was  com- 
municated. That  message  contained  no  fact,  not  previously 
J^nown.  No  one  reason  for  war  was  intimated,  but  such  as  was 
of  a  nature  pubHc  and  notorious.  The  intention  to  wage  war 
and  invade  Canada,  had  been  long  since  openly  avowed.  The 
object  of  hostile  menace  had  been  ostentatiously  announced. 
The  inadequacy  of  both  our  army  and  navy,  for  successful 
invasion;  and  the  insufBciency  of  the  fortifications  for  the 
security  of  our  seaboard  were  every  where  known.  Yet  the 
doors  of  Congress  were  shut  upon  the  people.  They  have 
been  carefully  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  progress  of  measured, 
until  the  purposes  of  administration  were  consummated,  and 
the  fate  of  the  country  sealed.  In  a  situation  so  extraordina* 
jy,  the  undersigned  have  deemed  it  thtir  duty  by  no  act  of 
theirs  to  sanction  a  proceeding  so  novel  and  arbitrary.  On 
the  contrary,  they  made  every  attempt,  in  their  power,  to 
uttain  publicity  for  their  proceeilinps.  All  such  attempts  were 
vain.  When  this  momentous  subject  wn*  stated,  as  for  de- 
bate ;  they  demanded  that  the  doors  should  be  opened. 

This  being  refused,  they  declined  discussion  ;  being  per- 
fectly convinced,  from  indications,  too  plain  to  be  misunder- 
stood, that,  in  the  house,  all  argument,  >wth  closed  doors,  was 
hopeless  ;  and  that  any  act,  given  implied  validity  to  so  flag- 
rant an  abuse  of  power,  would  be  little  less  than  treachery  to 
the  essential  rights  of  a  free  people.  In  the  situation,  to 
which  the  undersigned  have  thus  been  reduced,  they  are  com- 
pelled, reluctantly  to  resort  to  this  public  declaration  of  such 
views  of  the  state  and  relations  of  the  country,  as  determnied 
their  judgment  and  vote  upon  the  question  of  war.  A  meas- 
ure of  this  kind  has  appeared  to  the  undersigned  to  be  more 
imperiously  demanded,  by  the  circumstance  of  a  message  and 
manifesto  being  prepared,  and  circulated  at  public  expence, 
in  which  the  causes  for  war  were  enumerated  and  the  motives 
for  it  concentrated,  in  a  manner  suited  to  agitate  and  influence 
the  public  mind.  In  executing  this  task,  it  will  be  the  stutly 
of  the  undersigned  to  reconcile  the  great  duty,  they  owe  to 
the  people,  with  that  constitutional  respect,  whif  h  is  due  to 
the  administrators  of  public  concerns* 

In  commencing  this  view  of  our  affairs,  the  undersigned 
wouM  fail  in  duty  to  themselves,  did  they  refrain  fram  ro- 


;  of  public 
the  result 

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iersigned 
fram  ro- 


i  currlng  to  i\\,e  ecu  1*861  in  relation  to  public  measures,  which 

i  they  adopted  and  have  Mndeviatinyly  pursued  from  the  com- 

|mencemcnt  of  this  long  and  eventful  session;  in  which  they 

I  deliberately   sacrificed  every    minor  consideration,  to  what 

Ithey  deemed  the  best  interest  of  the  country. 

1     For  a  succession  of  years  the  undersigned  have  from  prin- 

)ciple  disapproved  a  scries  of  restrictions  upon  commerce,  ac- 

^cording  to  their   estimation,  ineflicient  as  respected  foreign 

» nations  and  injurious  chiefly  to   ourselves.     Success  in  the 

I  system,  had  become   identified  with  the  pride»  the  character, 

i  and  the  hope  of  our  cabinet.     As  is  natural  with  men  who  have  a 

great  stake  dependng  on  the  success  of  a  favorite  theory,  pre- 

(linaclty  seemed  to  increase  as  its  hopelessness  became  appar- 

^cnt.     As  the  inefliciency  of  this  system  could  not  be  admitted 

>by  its  advocates,  without  ensuring  its  abandonment,  ill  sue- 

fcess  was,  carefully  attributed  to  the  influence  of  opposition. 

i     To  this  cause  the  people  were  taught  to  charge  its  succes- 

vsive  failures  and  not  its  intrinsic  imbecility.     In  this  state  of 

^things  the   undersigned  deemed  it  proper,  to  take  away  all 

apology  for  adherence  to  this  oppressive  system.    They  were 

desirous  at  a  period  so  critical  in  public  aflfairs,  as  far  as  was 

consistent  with  the  independence  of  opinion  to  contribute  to 

the  restoration  of  harmony  in  the  public  counsels,  and  concord 

liniong  the  people.      And  if  any  advantage  could  be  thus  ob- 

«|ained  in  our  foreign  relations,  the  undersigned  being  engage 

id,  in  no  purpose  of  personal  or  party  advancement)  would 

Rejoice,  in  such  an  occurrence. 

'  The  course  of  public  measures  also,  at  the  opening  of  the 
^eession,  gave  hope  that  an  enlarged  and  enlightened  system  of 
'lefence,with  provision,  for  the  security  of  our  maritime  rightd^ 
ras  about  to  be  commenced;  a  purpose.  Which,  wherever 
found,  they  deemed  it  their  duty  to  foster,  by  giving,  to  any 
lysteni  of  measures,  thus  comprehensive,  as  unobstructed  a 
:ourse  as  was  consistent  with  their  general  sense  of  public  du- 
ty. After  a  course  of  policy,  thus  liberal  and  conciliatory,  it 
ras  cause  of  regret  that  a  communication  should  have  been 
purchased  by  an  unprecedented  expenditure  of  secret  serviea 
loney  ;  and  used  l^  the  chief  magistrate,  to  disseminate  sus* 
»icion  and  jealousy ;  and  to  excite  resentment  among  the  citi- 
zens, by  suggesting  imputations  against  a  portion  of  thcm» 
IS  unmerited  by  their  patriotism,  as  unwarranted  by  evidenctB. 
It  has  always  been  the  opinion  of  t\ie  undersigned,  that  a 
rstem  of  peaoe  wa»  the  policy  which  tnoat  comported  with 
the  character,  condition  and  interests  of  the  United  Slates  ? 
A  2 


1 


that  their  remoteness  from  the  theatre  of  eontesti  in  £urop«, 
-was  their  peculiar  felicity)  and  that  nothing  but  a  necessity  all- 
tolutely  imperious  &hould»  induce  them  to  enter  as  parlies  in- 
to wars,  in  which  every  consideration  of  virtue  and  policy 
seems  to  be  forgotten,  under  the  overbearing  »way  of  rapacity 
and  ambition.  There  is  a  new  era  in  human  affitirs.  The 
European  world  is  convulsed.  The  advantages  of  our  own 
situation  are  peculiar.  **  Whyt  quit  our  own  to  stand  upon 
foreign  ground?  Whyi  by  iiiterwcaving  our  destiny  wiih 
that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and  piosperiiy 
in  the  toils  of  European  ambition,  rivalshipr  interest,  humour, 
or  caprice  ?" 

In  addition  to  the  many  moral  and  prudential  considerationi, 
which  should  deter  thoughtful  men  from  hastening  into  the 
perils  of  such  a  war^  there  were  some  peculiar  to  the  Unit 
cdStatcs,re&ulting  from  the  texture  of  the  government,  and  the 
political  relations  of  the  people.  A.  form  of  government  in 
no  small  degree  experimental,  composed  of  powerful  an^l  in^ 
dependent  sovereignties  associated  in  relations,  some  of  \shich 
are  critical,  as  well  as  novel,  should  not  be  hastily  precipitated 
into  situations,  calculated  to  put  to  trial  the  strength  of  the 
moral  bonds  by  which  they  are  united.  Of  all  states,  that  of 
"War  is  most  likely  to  call  into  activity  the  passions,  which  arc 
hostile  and  dangerous  to  such  a  form  of  government.  Time  is 
yet  important  to  our  country  to  settle  and  mature  its  recent 
institutions.  Above  all,  it  appeared  to  the  undersigned  from 
signs  not  to  be  mistaken,  that  if  we  entered  upon  this  war,  we 
did  it  a&  a  divided  people  ^  not  only  from  a  sense  of  the  in- 
adequacy of  our  means  to  success,  but  from  moral  and  pol- 
itical objections  of  great  weight  and  very  general  in&uence. 

It  appears  to  the  undersigned,  that  the  wrongs,' of  whioh 
.the  United  States  have  to  complain,  although  in  some  aspects^ 
tery  grievous  to  our  interests^  and,  in  many,  humiliating  t« 
our  pride,  were  yet  of  a  nature,  which,  in  vhe  piresent  state 
of  the,world|  either  would  not  justify  wat^  or  which  war  would 
not  remedy.  Thus  for  instance,  the  hcvering  of.  British  vesv 
sels  upon  our  coasts,  and  the  occasional  insplts  to  our  ports, 
imperiously  demanded  such  a  systematic  application  of  haibor 
and  seacoast  deCence,  a"  would  repel  such  aggressions,  but  in 
no  ligtit  can  they  be  cl  sidered  as  making  a  resort  to  war, 
at  the  present  time  on  ihe  part  of  the  United  States,  eithei 
necessary  or  expedient.  So  also,  with  respect  to  the  Indian 
war,  of  the  origin  of  which>  but  Yery  imperfect  infbrraatios 

t  Washington. 


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iffiiirs.  The 
s  of  our  own 
I  stand  upon 
destiny  v/hh 
ul  piosperiiy 
est)  liuntour,  „ 

nsideration3||l 
Ding  into  the  ' 
'  to  the  Unit 
iient,  and  the 
vernment  in 
erful  an^l  in- 
)me  of  which  * 

precipitated  ' 
cn^th  of  the  *t 
tates,  that  of 
15,  which  arc    . 
nt.     Time  is 
re  its  recent  r- 
signed   from   m 
this  war,  w«    i 
10  of  the   in* 
oral  and  pel-   i 
*al  inftuence.  4 
gs,.of  which  4 
omc  aspects, 
amiliatingf  to  | 
iHesent  state  k 
ih  war  woulfl  m 
British   ves' 
to  our  ports, 
ion  of  harbor 
sionS)  but  in 
isoFt  to  war, 
tateS)  eithei 
the  Indian  J 

information 


ha»  as  yet  been  given  to  the  pufblic.  Without  any  expreBS^ 
act  of  Congress,  an  expedition  was,  last  year,  set  on  foot,  an4 
prosecuted  into  Indian  territory,  which  had  been  relinquished 
by  treaty,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  And  now  we  are 
told  about  the  agency  of  British  traders,  as  to  Indian  hostilities. 
It  deserves  consideration,  whether  there  has  been  such  pro- 
vident attention,  as  would  have  been  proper  to  remove  any 
cause  of  complaint)  either  real  or  imaginary,  which  the  In^ 
dians  mi){ht  aliedgC)  and  to  secure  their  friendship.  With  all 
the  smyputhy  and  anxiety  excited  ly  the  state  of  that  frontier; 
important  as  it  may  be,  to  apply  adequate  means  of  protec* 
lion,  against  the  Indians,  how  is  its  safety  ensured  by  a  dec- 
.laration  ul'  war,  wnich  adds  the  British  to  the  number  of  ene- 
mies ? 

As  <'  iV  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind**  has  not 
ihduced  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  to  concur  in  declaring 
the  reasons,  or  motives,  for  their  enacting  a  declaration  of 
war,  the  undersigned  and  the  public  are  left  to  search  else- 
where, for  causes  either  real,  or  ostensible.  If  we  are  to  con- 
sider the  President  of  the  United  t}tates,  and  the  eommittee 
of  the  house  of  Representatives  on  foreign  relations^  as  speak- 
ing on  this  solemn  occasion,  for  Gon{)resi,  the  United  States 
have  three  principal  topics  of  complaint  against  Great  Britain. 
Imprciisments  ^-^blockades  ;-^and  Orders  in  Council. 

Concerning  (ho  subject  of  impressment,  the  undersigned 
smypathiae  with  our  unfortunate  seameni  the  victims  of  this 
abuse  of  power,  and  participate  in  the  national  sensibility,  on 
their  account.  They  do  not  conceal  from  themselvesy  both 
its  innportance  and  its  difficulty  -y  and  they  are  well  aware  how 
stubborn  is  the  will  and  how  blind  the  vision  of  powerful  na- 
.tions,  when  great  interests  grow  into  controver9]^ 

But,  before  a  resort  to   war  for  auch  interests,  a  moral  na- 
.  tion  will  consider  what  is  just,  and  a  wise  nation  what  is  ex- 
pedient,   li'  the  exercise  of  any  right  to  the  full  extent  of  its 
abstract  nature,  be  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  another  na- 
tion, morality  seems  to  require  that  in  practice,  its  exercise 
should,  in   this   respect»  be  modified.    If  it  be  proposed  to 
vindicate  any  right  by  war,  wisdom  demands  that  it  should  be 
.  of  a  nature,  by  war  to  be  obtained.      The  interests  connected 
with   the  subj;cct  of  impressment  are  unquestionably  great  to 
.  both  nations  ;  and  in  the  full  extent  of  abstract  right  as  as- 
serted by  each,  perhaps. irreconcilable, 

,     The  government  of  the  United  States  asserts  the  broad 
principle  that  the  flag  of  their  merchant  f  cssclt  ahall  proteat 


) 


the  DMriners.  This  privilego  it  claimed  although  tfnty 
person  on  board)  except  the  Captahit  ma^  be  an  alien* 

The  British  government  asserts  that  the  allegiance  of 
their  subjects  is  inalienable}  in  timu  of  war,  and  that  their 
seamen)  found  on  the  sea,  the  common  highway  of  nations^ 
•hall  not  be  protected  by  tho  flag  of  private  merchant  vessels. 

The  undersigned  deem  it  unnecessary  here  to  discuss  the 
question  of  the  American  ciaim»  for  the  immunity  of  their  flag. 
But  they  cannot  refrain  from  vievring  it  as  a  principle,  of  a 
nature  very  broad  and  comprehensive  ;  to  the  abuse  of  which) 
the  temptations  are  strong  and  numerous.  And  they  do 
maintain  that  before  the  calamities  of  war,  in  vindication  of 
such  a  principle  be  Incurred)  all  the  means  of  negociation 
should  be  exhausted,  and  that  also  every  practicable  attempt 
should  regulate  the  exercise  of  the  right ;  so  that  the  acknowl- 
edged injury  resulting  to  other  nations,  should  be  checked)  if 
not  prevented.  They  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  peace  of 
this  happy  and  rising  community  should  not  be  abandoned,  for 
the  sake  of  affording  facilities  to  cover  French  property  ;  or 
to  employ  British  seamen. 

The  claim  of  Great  Britain  to  the  services  of  her  seamen  b 
neither  novel)  nor  peculiar.  The  doctrine  of  allegiance,  for 
which  she  contends  is  common  to  all  the  governments  of  Eu- 
rope. FrancC)  as  well  a9  England,  has  maintained  it  fur  cen- 
turies. Both  nations  claim,  in  time  of  war,  the  services  of 
their  subjects.  Both  by  decrees  forbid  them  entering  into  for- 
eign employ.    Both  recall  them  by  proclamation. 

No  man  can  doubt  that,  in  the  present  state  of  the  French 
marine,  if  American  merchant  vessels  were  met  at  sea,  hav- 
ing French  seamen  on  board  that  France  would  take  them; 
Will  any  man  believe  that  the  United  States  would  go  to  war 
gainst  France  on  this  account  ? 

For  very  obvious  reasons,  this  principle  occasions  little  col- 
Ksions  with  France,  m  with  any  other  nation,  except  England. 
With  the  English  nation,  the  people  of  the  United  Slates  are 
closely  assimilated,  in  blood,  language,  intercourse,  habits, 
dress,  manners  amd  character.  When  Britain  is  at  war  and 
the  United  States  neutral,  the  merchant  service  of  the  United 
Statet,  holds  out  to  British  seamen,  temptations  almost  irre- 
sistible;— -high  wages  and  peaceful  employ,  instead  of  low  wa- 
ges and  war  service  ;— safety  in  lieu  of  hazard ;— entire  inde* 
pendency  in  the  place  of  qualified  servitude. 

That  England  whose,  situation  is  insular,  who  is  engaged  in 
a  war,  apparently  foi*  esistente,  wtoote  Kameii  lire  herirvlwait/ 


shm 
wilt 
ipru* 
The 
oft 
tlier 
Item 


■*? 


ugh  tfttf 

en. 

egUnce  of 
that  their 
of  nationi, 
nt  YCBselt. 
liscuHs  the 
their  flag. 
:iple,  of  • 
'  of  which, 
d  they  do 
lication  of 
Bgociation 
G  attempt 
I  acknowl- 
hecked,  if 
e  peace  of 
loned,  for 
pcrty  ;  or 

seamen  is 

iance,  for 

t&  of  Eu- 

fur  cen- 

rvices  of 

into  for- 

e  French 
sea,  hav- 
ke  them; 
JO  to  war 

ittle  col- 
Bngland. 
lates  are 
I  habits, 
war  and 
i  United 
)st  irre- 
;Iow  wa* 
re  inde* 

:agcd  in 


shnulcl  look  upon  the  effect  of  our  principle  upon  her  fafety, 
Willi  jealousy,  is  inc><itable;  and  that  she  will  not  hazard  the 
pruriicttl  consequent's  of  its  unrcsi;ulated  exercise,  is  certtiin. 
The  queslion,  thtrctore,  presented,  directly  for  the  decision 
of  the  th'iU^hlful  and  virtuous^  inind^  in  thiit  country,  is— whe- 
ther war,  far  such  an  abstract  right  be  justifiable,  before  at> 
tempting  to  guard  against  its  injurious  tendency  by  legislative 
legulalion,  in  failure  of  treaty  ? 

A  dubious  right  should  be  advanced  with  hesitation.  An 
extreme  right  should  be  asserted  with  discretion.  Moral  du- 
ty requires,  that  a  nation  before  it  appeals  to  arms,  should  have 
been,  not  only  true  to  itself,  but  that  it  should  hare  failed,  in  no 
duty  to  others.  If  the  exercise  of  a  right,  in  an  unregulated 
mannerj  be  in  effect,  a  standing  invitation  to  the  subjects  of  a 
foreign  power  to  become  deserters  and  traitors,  is  it  no  injury 
to  that  power  ? 

Certainly,  moral  obligation  demands  that  the  right  of  fla^, 
like  ail  other  human  rights  should  be  so  used,  as  that  while  tt 

frotects  what  is  our  own  it  should  not  injure  what  is  anotherV. 
n  a  practical  view,  and  so  long  as  the  right  of  flag  is  restrain- 
ed, by  no  regard  to  the  unJeniuble  interest  of  others,  a  war  on 
account  of  impressments,  is  only  a  war  for  the  right  of  em- 
iploying  British  seamen,  oh  board  American  merchant  vessels. 
The  claim  of  Great  Britain  pretences  to  no  further  extentf. 
than  to  take  British  seameafrom  private  merchant  vessels.  In 
the  exercise  of  this  claim,  her  oflicers  take  American  seamen^ 
and  foreign  seamen,  in  the  American  service;  and  although 
she  disclaims  such  abuses,  and  proffers  redress,  when  knnwn» 
yet  undoubtedly  grievous  injuries  have  resulted  to  the  seamen 
of  the  United  States.  But  the  question  is,  can  war  be  proper 
for  such  cause,  before  all  hope  of  reasonable  accommodation 
has  failed  I  Even  after  the  extinguishment  of  such  hopes  can 
it  be  proper,  until  our  own  practice  be  so  regulated  as  to  re- 
:movet  in  such  foreign  nation,  any  reasonable  apprehension  of 
injury  ? 

The  undersigned  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  employment 
of  British  seamen,  in  the  merchants  service  of  the  United 
States,  is  as  little  reconcileable  with  the  permanent,  as  the  pre- 
sent interests  of  the  United  States.     'She  encouragement  of 

reign  seamen  is  the  discouragement  of  the  native  Americar>. 
The  duty  of  government  towards  this  valuable  class  of  men 
is  not  only  to  protect,  but  to  patronize  them.  And  this  cannot 
be  done  more  effectually  than  by  securing,  to  American  citU 
^ens  the  privileges  of  American  navigation. 


! 


P 


I 


Kcf 

lit  tic 


The  question  of  impressment)  like  every  other  question  re- 
lative to  commerce  has  been  treated,  io  such  a  manner,  that 
what  was  possessed,  is  lost  without  obtaining  what  was  sought. 
Pretensions  righc  in  theory,  and  important  in  inteiest,  urged 
without  due  consideration  of  our  relative  power,  have  eventu- 
ated in  a  practical  abandonment,  both  of  what  we  hoped  and  T^^A 
what  we  enjoyed.  In  attempting  to  spread  our  ftag  over  fo-  ^^.-.1 
reigners,  its  distinctive  character  has  been  lost  to  our  ownctt-  ]R-,«1 
izpns.  .  '      rk  J 

The  American  seaman,  whose  interest  it  is  to  have  no  conl-  .*  .  ! 
petitors  in  his  employment,  is  sacrificed  that  British  seamen  i^  J 
may  have  equal  privileges  with  himself.  j^  J 

Ever  since  the  United  States  have  been  a  nation,  this  subject  !(  c 
has  been  a  matter  of  complaint  and  negociation  ;  and  every 
former  administration  have  treated  it  according  to  its  obvious 
nature,  as  a  subject  rather  f6r  airangement  than  for  war.  It 
existed  in  the  time  of  Washington,  yet  the  father  of  his  coun- 
try recommended  no  such  resort*  It  existed  in  the  time 
of  Adams,  yet  notwithstanding  the  zeal  in  support  of  our  mar- 
itime rights,  which  distinguished  his  administration,  war  wat 
nefer  suggested  by  him  an  the  remedy.  t)uring  the  eight 
years  Mr.  Jefferson  stood  at  the  helm  of  affairs,  it  still  contin- 
ued a  subject  of  controversy  and  negociation :  but  it  was  never 
made  a  cause  for  war.  It  was  reserved  for  the  present  admin- 
istration to  press  this  topic  to  the  extr£me  and  most  dreadful 
resort  of  nations  .*  althdugh  England  has  officially  disavowed 
the  right  of  impressment,  as  it  respects  native  citizens,  and  an 
arrangement  might  well  be  made,  consistent  with  the  fair  pre- 
tensions of  such  as  are  naturalized. 

That  the  real  state  of  this  question  may  be  understood,  the 
undersigned  recur  to  the  following  facts  ae  supported  by  of- 
ficial documents.  Mr.  King,  when  minister  in  England,  ob- 
tained a  disavowal  of  the  British  government  of  the  right  to 
impress  *<  American  seamen,"  naturalized  as  well  as  native, 
on  the  high  seas.  An  arrangement  had  advanced,  nearly  to  a 
conclusion,  upon  this  b^isis,  and  was  broken  off  only,  because 
Great  Britain  insisted  to  retain  the  right  on  "  the  narrow  seas." 
What,  however,  was  the  opinoion  of  theAmerican  minister,  on 
the  probability  of  an  arrangement,  appears  from  the  public 
documents,  communicated  to  congress,  in  the  session  of  ISOSi 
«s  stated  by  Mr.  Madison,  in  these  words,  *<  at  the  moment 
"  the  articles  were  expected  to  be  signed,an  exception  of  "the 
**  narrow  seas"  was  urged  and  insisted  on  by  Lord  St.  Vin- 


l<ira 
it  tio 

t  ^^' 

"ce 

«*ro 

«»Bi 

|fu 

ioui 

pi  o 

It 

lerv 

thej 

that 

irxniri 

|cun 

.|am 

|taki 

i  will 

Thi 

law 

me 

sea 

%  fic< 

to! 

me 

Ms 

tor 


T 


u 


r  question  re- 
manner,  that 
t  was  sought, 
iteiest,  urged 
have  eventu- 
'c  hoped  and 
•  flag  over  fo- 
)  our  owncit- 

have  no  conf* 
itish  seamen 

I,  this  subject 
I ;  and  every 
0  its  obvious 
for  war.  It 
'  of  his  coun- 
in  the  time 
:  of  our  roar- 
ion)  war  was 
ig  the  eight 
;  still  contin- 
it  was  never 
isent  adniin- 
lost  dreadful 
y  disavowed 
zens,  and  an 
the  fair  pre- 

erstood,  the 
)rted  by  of- 
England,  ob- 
Lhe  right  to 

I  as  native, 

nearly  to  a 
»ly>  because 
irrow  seas.'* 
minister,  on 

the  public 
ion  of  18oa| 

he  moment 
tion  of  "the 
►rd  St.  Vin- 


■■'*  V 


¥  cfnts,  and  being;  utterly  inadmissible  on  our  part,  the  hcgo« 
l<  tion  was  abandoned." 

:    Mr.  King  seems  to  be  of  opinion,  however,  <'  that^  with 
'<  more  time  than  was  left  him  for  the  experiment,  the  objec« 
<  tion  might  have  been  overcome.''    What  time  was  left  Mr. 
ing  for  the  experiment,  or  whether  any  was  ever  made  has 
t  been  disclosed  to  the  public.    Mr.  Kingt  soon  after  re- 
urned  to  America  :    It  is  manifest  from  iflr.  King's  expres- 
|Mon  that  he  was  limited  in  point  of  time,  and  it  is  equally 
^ar  that  his  opinion  was  that  an  adjustment  could  take  place. 
?Snat  Mr.  Madison  was  also  of  the  same  opinion  ii  demonstra* 
ted  by  his  letters  to  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney,  dated  the 
jbd  of  February,  1807,  in  which  he  uses  these  expressions.  *'l 
■i*  take  it  for  granted  that  you  have  not  failed. to  make  due  use 
f<  of  the   arrangement  concerted  by   Mr.   King  with  Lord 
P  Hawkesbutf,  in  the  year  1802,  for  settling  the  question  of 
1^  impresement.     On  that  oacaaion  and  under  that  adminiatra" 
*  tion  the  British  firinci/ile  waa  fairly  renounced  in  favor  of 
I*  the  right  of  ourfla^f  Lord  Haivkeabury  having  agreed  to 
^  ftrohibit  imfireaamenta  on  the  high  aeaa"  and  Lord  St.  Vin- 
"  cents  requiring  nothing  more  than  an  exception  of  the  nar^ 
<*  roMT  seas,  an  exception  resting  on  the  obsolete  claim  of  G. 
^  Britain  to  some  dominion  over  them."    Here  then  w.e  have 
j|  fu!l  ackmpwlcdgement  that  Great  Britain  was  willing  to  re- 
nounce the  right  of  impressment,  on  the  high  seas,  in  favor 
l>f  our  flag; — that  she  was  anxious  to  arrange  the  subject, 
It  further  appears  that  the  British  ministry  called  for  an  in- 
terview with  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney,  on  this  topic  ;  that 
they  stated  the  nature  of  the  claim,   the  King's  prerogative  ; 
that  they  had  consulted  the  crown  officers  and  the  board  of  ad- 
|xniralty,  who  all  concurred  in  sentiment,  that  under  the  cir- 
|cumstances  of  the  nation,  the  relinquishment  of  the  right  wa^ 
|a  measure,  which   the  government  could  not  adopt,  without 
staking  on  itself  a  responsibility,  which  no  ministry  would  be 
willing  to  meet,  however  pressing  the  exigency  might  be?— 
They  offered,  however,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  to  pasa 
laws  making  it  penal  for  British  commanders  to  impress  A- 
merican  citizens,  on  board  of  Americaii  vessels,  on  the  higli 
seas,  if  America  would  pass  a  law,  making  it  penal  for  the  of- 
ficers of  the  United  States  to  grant  certificates  of  citizenship 
to  British  subjects.    This  will  be  found  in  the  same  docuv 
ments,  in  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Monroe  and   Pinkney  to  Mr. 
Madison,  dated  llth  November,  1806.     Under  their  peremp- 
tory instructions,  this  proposition,  on  the  part  of  Great  Brl* 


\ 


It 

tain,  could  not  be  acceded  to  by  our  ministers.  Sucli,  howev- 
er, was  the  temper  and  anxiety  of  England,  and  such  the  can- 
dor and  good  sense  of  our  n\ihisters,  that  an  honorable  and  ad- 
vantageous arrangement  did  take  filace.  The  authority  of  "Mr. 
Monroe,  then  Minister  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  now  Sec- 
retary of  State,  and  one  of  the  present  administration,  who 
have  recommended  war  with  England,  and  assigned  impress- 
ments as  a  cause,  supports  the  uadersigned  in  asserting,  that 
it  was  honorable  and  advantageous :  for  in  a  letter  from  Rich- 
mond dated  the  2gth  of  February,  1808,  to  Mr.  Madison,  the 
following  expressions  are  used  by  Mr.  Monroe.  *<  I  have  on 
*'  the  contrary  alwayb  believed,  and  ^till  do  believe,  that  the 
«  ground  on  which  tiiat  interest  (impressment)  was  placed  bf 
<<  the  paper  of  the  British  Commissioners  of  8th  November, 
«  1806,  and  the  explanation  which  accompanied  it,  wa«  bo$h 
<<  honorable  and  advantageous  to  the  United  Statesy  that  it  con- 
**  tained  a  concession  in  their  favor  on  the  part  of  Great  Bri- 
(<  tain,  on  the  great  principle  in  contestation,  never  before 
<<  made  by  a  formal  and  obligatory  act  of  their  government, 
*<  which  was  highly  favorable  to  their  interests.'* 

With  the  opinion  of  Mr.  King  «o  decidedly  expressed,  with 
the  ofiicial  admission  of  'Mr.  Madison,  with  the  explicit  decla- 
ration of  Mr.  Monroe,  all  concurring  that  Great  Britain  was 
ready,  to  abandon  impressment  on  the  high  seas,  and  with  an 
honorable  and  advantageous  arrangement,  actually  made  by 
Mr.  Monroe,  how  can  it  be  pretended,  that  all  hope  of  settle- 
ment, by  treaty,  has  failed  ;  how  can  this  subject  hirnish  a 
proper  causeaf  war  ? 

With  respect  to  tlie  subject  of  blockades;  the  principle  of 
the  law  of  nations,  as  asserted  by  the  United  States,  is,  that  a 
blockade  can  only  bejustified  when  supported  by  an  adequate 
force.  In  theory,  this  principle  is  admitted  by  Great  Britain, 
It  is  alledged,  however,  that  in  practice^  she  disregards  that 
principle. 

The  order  of  blockade,  which  hn.9  been -made  a  specific 
ground  of  complaint,  by  France,  is  that  of  the  16th  of  M^y 
1806.  Yet,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  tbis  ordc^r,  which  is  now 
made  one  ground  of  war  between  the  two  countries,  was,  at 
the  time  of  its  first  issuing,  viewed  as  an  act  of  favor  arid  con- 
ciliation. On  this  subject  it  is  necessary  to  be  explicit.  The 
vague  and  indeterminate  manner  in  which  the  American  and 
French  governments,  in  their  official  papers,  speak  off  this  or- 
der of  blockade,  is  calculated  to  nvislead.    Ah  importi^ce  is 


m 


iucb,  howev- 
uch  the  can- 
^adte  and  ad- 
lority  of  Mr. 
in,  now  Sec- 
tratioH)  who 
led  impress- 
ierting)  that 
'  from  Rich- 
ladison,  the 
»*  I  hav  e  on 
ve,  that  the 
IS  placed  by 
\  November, 
it)  was  both 
,  that  it  con- 
f  Great  firi- 
lever  before 
government, 

iressed,  with 
[plicit  deola* 
Britain  was 
and  with  an 
y  made  by 
>pe  of  settle- 
:t  hirnish  a 

principle  of 
s,  is,  that  a 
m  adequate 
eat  Britain, 
g^^rds  that 

e  a  specific 
th  of  M3iy 
hich  is  now 
tes,  was,  at 
or  arid  con- 
licit.  The 
lerican  and 
oftthis  or- 
>ort£ince  is 


led  to  it,  of  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  undersigned;  H 
^t  worthy.     Let  the  facts  speak  lor  themselves.  « 

Lj^  August  1S04,  the  Bmish  established  a  bloolcBde  at  tW    ^ 
Hince  si  t^  French  ports,  vt  mlng  them,  (Vom  f^ccaiwp  Ht 
itend  rand  lipimi  their  proni*^     ^olhe  Brkith  cioem,  .aitH^ « 
^19  the  ab^en^^  of  all  compUti*^*  wemajr  be  •permhtoit^y  b^^^ 
rfttto^ vat  a  \t^  %loekide,  eiiforeed  eettording  lofthe 
IS  of  nations.    On  the  1  Gth  May,  frt06^  the  E«igf  s4i  ^im^ 
lif  State,  Mr*  ^o%  notifteil  te  elir  minister  at  1^o«i4|h^, 
bis^ofernmenthfid  lb0»ght  ftt^  #»#et  neeessary  mMf^^ 
i  to  be  tdten  fortke  Cockade  «C  flic  e^astn,  Hveui  iinf; 
ts,  from  the  river  £lbe  to  tlie  fWw  IN^it»  tcKfh  'inl:tli«!ve!\ 
i|iolnt  <n  fii^t,  as  the  terms  iise#*  lA  lifito  ordtl*,  wUI  biio\i 
paper  which  has  become  Si  seilMtiii^#i«  and  thf^i^Od  «tflii^  * 
^nen-intereoiirse,  e^birgoi  an#  iN|f|^l4  h  blockade  iftAfit 
places  on  the  Fi^nch  ^ast,  flio«rtlltlMto  the  Slf^eJVnU 
«  as  to  these,  it  Is  niorely,  as4i  iiiofiili^^  ^,  a  t cmtm  ^ 
se  of  a  former  tnd  existing  hloelMtikl.^F^jirfth  rei!rpett*fr/  * 
residoe  of  the  coast,  the  IM#  iff  «eun%f#1s  a^ihitt^ 
the  exception  onty  of  eneifeiy'tlt^llfiKyitirf^imil^^c^ 
kd  of  war,  which  lii%  lial^  WW  Aktu,  IHihotftlry^ll. 
i  ind  except  the  dii»ct  c^oiMttltMe  of  lli%  erieh^i^N^c^ 
^t  fiiMn  4edled  lr^fris%'^  m#%f  fil|tiiil^«#^ 

«K«s  fiHti  extenM  ill  M  fMiv#)^lll^^^ 

nothing  to  orders  and  f*eg^laiions,  ;^iretf%  *1i1(itlftft.#l 

^ow|l  by  m##eftln(|  tp  pitpen,  %ficti  i^  Hl^%m  ?ftrlc! . 

\w>&,t9mct%t4r€i  tolortiei,  iftdth^  #cii|«i  y||iM<^^f., 

feclijigrbylhr  itn<?rfcrrnce  of  the  1lr|ti*h  go^lriftM^ti  * 

tfs^  Kritit  ^iiii«  e<««aiisf  hi!  be«n  ^  ^*use  of  fecial.  ^  ^ 

mm  artd  rigiiiirfteir:    At  tH«!  mo*i«m"whlh^jJ  ol'dlr^ ' 

-i^p^^wai^H^e,  Mc.  Ilonroe^  the  pre^nt  SqcrebivV: 

then iMft^lilliil^f  fii#i%|plHi^ary  at  Oii  Coi|rt  ff  prqit 

«a9ili4«iatyoii.ihe^i«ih|eet  of  fh^  ciM'i'if'kig  ti»d<;,, 

Ths  tstoM  of  tks  osdan  mm^vm^  m  fiuii  tlie  mid  f^sf,  vWci*  a^«3 

—  iMtt  be  enmrtttwl  a»  liMmim^i^^m,  u^m  ^^^Urit^xbJc 

M!>  «stMd.to«Y«it  utatmlMp  aM  wssf*?,  \m\m  *i<h  j-^^nH?, 

;«om  wfe  •Md  mm  mm  ftah^mmmtifmivpt  th?  c<**  t,  lif^sr  a*Til 
MOBM<»tiKllviirf«IM^^rih«ftl5r  ill  n^lt^^e  of  ftrfct  arnf i^i . 

**»•**#▼•««<••  «nt|riajrlMfct Sfot  Wen  kJsn  at,  a  vr«j^b«€H»^i.«; 
•swgiiJJ**  •<;  ♦h«  eoiiiici  of  Ort^t  Sri««ln,  n-A  i\\e  ▼#? -el4 ii*- ^ 
HflV  « jl*u  BM  (iiMiicd  to  tn  (^i^ftmy  port,  or  hfc.l  i»reviour1v  IroV.ra 

^Iqtiiadt/*^'  ,a  v|'«  .*if  .-^      ^      *  ^j%i.--*»j 


# 


J 

1 


«  14 

•lid  juagiig  9ti  the  spot,  and  at  the  tlixit ,  he*  (inhesitatingly 
pave  his  opinion,  that  the  order  wat  made  to  favor  Americai 
views  and  interrsts.    This  idea  is  unequivocally  expressed,  it| 
Air.  Monroe'a  letters  to  Mr.  Midison  of  the  ITthy  and  29th| 
of  May,  and  of  the  9th  of  June,  1806.    t     v.. 

And  as  kite  as  October,  1811,  the  same  Gentleman,  writ| 
ingf  as  Secretaiy  of  statetothe  British  minister,  speaking  of  tl 
8\ime  order  of  blockade  of  May,  1806,  say»**it  strictly  waalittl 
^  more  than  a  blocksde  of  the  ooast  from  Seine  to  Ostend.' 
*<  The  object  was   to  afford  to  the  United  S^^let  an  acconi; 
*<  modation  respecting  colonial  trade. ":^>  ,<% 
'    It  appears,  then,   that   this    order,    was  In  point  of  fac^ 
'made  to  favor  our  trade  and  was  so  understood  and  admittel 
by  the  government  of  this  country,  at  that    time  and  since 
that,  instead  of  extending  prior  blockades  it  lessoned  then, 
that  the  country  from   Seine  to  Brestt  and  from  Ostend 
Elbe  Vas  inserted  to  open  them  to  our  colonial  trade  and  fo)| 
our  accommodation,  and  that  it  was  never  made  the  aiibjef 
of  complaint,  by  the  American  government,  during  its  prao^ 
lical  continuance  :— that  ia,  not  until  the  first  order  in  cou^ 
cil;  and  indeed  not  until    after  the.    1st  of  May  1810;  an 
until  after  the  American    government   was  apprized  of 
^ground,  which  it  was  th«  will  of  France  abouM.  be  .taken  ii^ 


on  the  subject. 


f  *#»s  *j»*? :  m.  V J ;  A   xi> 


'm 


Of  this  we  have  themotft  decisive  proof,  In  the  o#e'rs,  i^%i 

^^  under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  for   the  diaco^ 

^^.  tinuance  of  the  Embargo  as  it  relaied  to  G neat-Britain  ;  no^ 

'^''of  which  required  the  repeal  of  the  blockade  of  May  180| 

aid  also  in  the  arrangemment  made  during,  the  admioist 


It 


-..-■»«»■;.  •» 


>  t  The  followlBg  are  extracts  from  tbeee  letteif .  %  tltat  of  Oie  itlSi  1IL{ 
'1806  ;  he  lhui«  Fprakti  of  that  blot  l^ade.*  It  if)  'Vxmrhed  in  terms  of  resttii 
V**  and  proferees  to  extend  the  blockade  fnitlMc  tbaa  was  heretofore  do 
<*  nevert/ieksSf  it  tales  itfrcm  many  itortf  aiready  llockadei ;  indeed,  fij 
"  all  East  ot  Ostend,  and  Wett  ot  the  Seine,  except  in  artkles  contTatjj 
<^  of  ¥'ar  and  enemier:  prcpeily,  which  are  leizable  without  Ucekadc. 
**  in  like  form  of  exc(i[>tion,  considevivg  eveiy'  enemy  as  one  power,  itj 
*''  mits  the  tiade  of  neutialf,  within  tlM  tame  timiif,  to  be  free  in  the] 
>*  ductions  of  enemies'  colonier,  in  every,  but  the  dttrcct  loute  betwcenl 
'"  ^t*  colony  and  the  (iarent  country.'*  Mr.  Monrce  aidds,  **  It  cannoti 
<*  doubted  that  the  note  ^as  diamn  by  the  goveinmml,  in  mfinrcace  tol 
*<  question,  and  if  intended  as  the  foundation  of  a  trf  aty  must  be  viel 
<<inafavoiable  light.''  On  tl;e  SOth  of  I4ay,  Mr.  Moaioe^  WTitef| 
Mr.  Madison,  that  he  had  been  *^  strengthened  in  the  opiaioB  that  the  j 
<*  der  of  the  16th  vas  diawn  with  a  view  to  the  question  of  cur  tiadei 
**  enemies  colcuies,  and  that  it  pr(  mites  to  be  highly  ftatisAictory  toJ 
"  conmercial  interepts." 


iinhcBitatingly 
ivor  Americaii! 
y  expressed,  k| 
7thy  and  20th  | 

entlemaiii  writ^ 
•peaking  of  tlu| 
trictlywaaliUl 
ne  to  bstend' 
tea  an  accoi 

I  point  of  fac^ 
d  and  admitK 
ime  and  since 
lessened  theOi 
rom  Ostend 
Bil  trade  and  foi 
ide  the  subje^ 
luring  its  prac^j 
order  in  coui 
May  1810;  an 
ipprized  of 
M  be  taken  vp^ 

he  offers,  ina^ 
or  the  disco^ 
t-Britain  ;  no^ 
i  of  May  18( 
the  administr 

itofthendiM^ 
n  terms  of  r^stti 
18  h«r«tofot«  do 
d€d ;  indMd,  fii 
iTticks  ccwtiabij 
mi  Ucekade. 
8  one  power,  itj 
M  free  in  the] 
loute  betwecBl 
ds,  **  It  caimotl 
m  Triinr«Keto| 
iynuft  bevifJ 
ttoBioe^  vritcfl 
nnioiitliat  tbej 
I  of  clurtiadei 
(atisAtctorxtol 


15 

of  Ml**  Madison,  and  under  his  oye  with  Mi.  Eskioot 
non-intercourse  aci  of  M:ircli  \^yj\  and  the  uCl  *•  ci»n- 
riling^  commercial  ii.tercourse*'  of  M.iy  lUiO,  vest  the 
esidcnt  of  the  Usitted  States  with  ihc  very  same  pusvcr 
the  very  same  tcrmsh  Bjth  «uthori<ic  hi  n  ^*  in  case 
tlhcr  Great  Britain  or  France  shall  so  revukc  or  niQilitV 
tr  edictSt  as  that  they  shall  cease  tr>  violate  the  nt:utrjil 
om:itercc  of  l^  United  Siatet*"  to  deciure  iho  same  by 
lamatlon.  And  by  the  fyruvSsior.s  of  one  law  i.i  sucii  c  lit.i 
intercourse  was  to  cuast:  ;  by  thostj  of  the  oihvr  it  wa^i 
be  rcTivecl*  Iii  cohsequttiice  of  pjuer  vested,  by  the  fiibt 
,  the  arrangement  with  Erskine  w.is  made  and  th&  ruv. 
tion  of  the  orders  in  council  of  January  and  jKo?cmbcr 
ti  was  considered  as  a  full  compliance  with  the  law  aitU 
removing  all  the  ai.ti  neutral  edicts.  The  blockade  of 
y  IBOd,  wai  not  inetudcd  in  the  arrangonnent,  and  ,i^  does 
t  appear,  that  It  was  deemed  of  suQkient  importance  to 
j^ago  even  a  thought.  Yet  under  the  act  of  May,  1310 
ich  vests  the  very  same  power,  a  revocation  of  this  block- 
e  of  Miyt  180S,  is  made  by  our  cabinet  a  •ine  qua  non  ;  an 
dlspensible  requisite  I  And  now,  af'.er  the  British,  ntinis' 
1^  has  directly  avowed  that  this  order  of  blockatde  would  not 
tifVUe  after  a  revocation  of  tho  orders  in  council,  without  a 
e  application  of  an  adequate  force,  the  ejiistence  of  this 
btkadii,  is  insisted  upon,  as  a  iustiftabls  causv  of  war,  noi- 
Hstanding,  that  our  government  admits^  a  blockade  is  legal, 
the  tnaintenance  of  which  an  adequate  force  i»  applied.  4  ^ 
The  ander^i);ned  are  aware  that  in  justiftoution  ol'  this  new 
btindjit  ftf'howsaid,  that  the  extension  on  paper,  fur  whatev< 
Urpose  intended,  favors  the  principle  of  paper  blockades. 
'lYii  howeTer',  (C^n  hardly  be  urged,  since  the  Britishf  formal- 
disavovv  the  principle  ;  sud  since  tney  acknowledge  the  ve- 
doctrine  of  the  law  of  nations  for  which  the  Americon  ad< 

t  Mrr  r6«(eyy1nhiil'lHter  of  SA  Jaly,  1811,  to  Mr..MoufO(<,  thiis  stated 
le  <loc(rine  niainiaiBci  by  his  govenuivent. 

^<  Great  Bfitain  ha^  nevei'  ati^v^fpteJi  to  dispute  iha',  in  th'e  ordinary 
rse  of  the  law  of  aauou^,  no  b'^^ckade  can  be  jui^lifiablc  or  %-alid,  un- 
«is  it  bo  su^>|}oirte<l  by  an  '*  a'3£qu;it,e  force  destined  to  maintain  it,  and  to 

to  hazard  alt  vcuxels  attempting  to  cva  le  its  operation.*' 
•  Mr.  Foster,  IB  his  Ictteo.to  Mr,  Mtmroe  of  the  2(>th  July,  1011,  al?o  fay:;: 
'~^ae  Mockaieof  May  liU)3,  will  not  cc^ftiauf   afie;-  (he  repeal  of  the 
den  in  oouBcil,  unleiM.hiia  laa^sty'ti,  ^aief  nipcut  t^*!aU  thiilklil  to  sub- 
mit by  the  special  i^pUivatlon  of  a  furaSficui  uuval  forre,  a:ttd  the  fart 
l^f  iu  be^s  8o  coniiiiiiei  or  not,  will  be  natifiel  at  the  time.*'        . ',  ^  •"■ 


^i 


^^T^mn,     w^i 


W^ 


''U 


li 


.| 


mintstratlbn  contend,  litnceforth  tbt  cxUtcoce  o(  »  blockade 
becomes  a  queaiion  of  fact :  it.in^i  depend  upon  the  evidence 
,  adduced  in  Kuppoi't  of  the  adec^Acy  of  the  blockading  ioi^ce. 
From  the  preceding;  statennent  it  i»  ap|iarent  |hat  wo^tever 
tbere  it  objectionable  in  the  piiuQirvlv  oC  Ibf  order  of  Mayi 
1806,  or  in  the  practice  under  it,  on  gvound  merely  Aoaeiican, 
it  cannot  b«  set  up  as  a  su&cient  cau^e  of  war;  for  jiotil 
fraiice  pointed  it  out  as  a  cause  of  controversy}  it  wa%  to  hv 
iVom  being  regarded,  as  a  source  of  any  new  or  grievous coni- 
^aint)  that  it  waa  actually  considered  by  our  goveraiiieQt  ip  a 
tavorable  light*     M,„rj.i  .^<.»^r       , 

The  British  orders  in'cduncU  are  tN  ren^aining  source  of 
*  disconte.^i,  and  avowed  cause  of  warf  These  ba^f  htrttofore 
been  considered  by  our  government  in  connf'xion  with  the 
B'renc I)  decrees.  Certainly  Ibe  British  orders  in  council  and 
French  decrees  form  a  sy&tc'in  subversive,  of  neutral  lights 
and  ionsiiiMte  just  grounds  of  cpiDpiuintyyet  viewed,  relative- 
ly to  the  condition  of  those  powers  towards  ^acb  other,  and  of 
ihe  United  States  towards  bot>,  the  tiiidei&igned  caivnot  per- 
suade themselves ihul  the  orders  in  council  as  they  now  exist, 
and  with  tlw  present  efl'cctai.d  operation,  justify  the  selection 
of  Great  Briiulu  as  ouf  enemy  {  «nd  render  necjcfssary  a  dec* 
>»jirtion  ©f  Ufequalififd  wor.     ,:'u^,,vn  .^r   i^  ,^ 

Every  consideration  of  moral  duty,  and  polUical  experience, 
M'etrs  to  concur  in  warning  the  United  Statts  not  to  mingle  in 
this  bopir]es!>  aud,  to  huaian  eye,  iitterininable  European  con- 
tiKSt.  ^Neither  4^ ranee  nor  England  pretends  that  their  ag- 
gressions can  be  defended  on  the  ground  of  any  other  bellig- 
evoni  ligivt  than  that  of  particular  necessity.  ' 

-  Botl)  attem|jt  to  justify  their  encroachments  on  the  general 
law  of  nations  by  the  plea  of  retaIUtion>  h\  the  relative  po- 
sitim  and  propurtioo  of  str&ngth  of  the  United  States  to  ei- 
ther bcllii;erent,  there  appeared  little  probability  that  we  could 
Compel  the  «ne  or  the  other,  to  hostile  operations  to  abandon 
ihj.s  plea. 

..^•And  as  the  field  of  commercial  enterpVize,  after  allowing 
to ;th£, decrees  and  orders  their  full  practical  cfTect,  is  still 
rich  and  extensive,  there  seemed  as  Uitle  wisdom  as  obligation 
to  yield  solid  and  certain  realities  for  unattainable  prelensions. 
Th^  f  igbt  of  retaliation,  taa  existing  in  eit^r  b^igarent,  it 
Kaa.4nipOMible  for  the  (Jnited  States  consistent  with  either 
its  duty  or  inlQres^  to  admit*  Yet, such  waa  this  stata  of  the 
decrees  and  orders  of  the  respective  belllgcrentaf  in  relation 


i 

^0  th 

id  n 

j^l 

pum< 

State 

Wovi 

mpa 

'<'iJ|H 

M'osi 

>rgu 
ued 

^nt 

rade 

\SI 

"j'S 

[ress 
ne    f 

er. 


m. 


If 


[ «  blockade 
lie  cvi4ence 
tding  ioiffie. 
at  w&tever 
defi>f  M*y, 
r  iUneiictn, 
p ;  for  jkioiil  ,^ 
t  wa^  ao  f^r 
ievc^a  com* 
triMliAQt  *^^  A 

g  aource  of;^^ 
p  htrctofore 
on  viih  ihe 
council  and 
juvral  lights 
pd,  relauve- 
Dthei-,aod  of 
caivfiot  per- 
y  now  exist, 
lihn:  selection 

experienjcei 
to  mingle  in 
ropean  con- 
ax  their  ag- 
[>lher  beUig- 

the  general 
relative  po- 
States  to  el- 
lat  we  could 
I  to  abaadon 

ter  allowing 

ffect,  ia  still 
obligation 

prelensions. 

iliig«reiit)  it 
with  cither 
8tat«  of  )he 

(in  relation 


^o  the  lights  of  neutrals,  that,  while  on  the  one  hand,  it  form- 
id  no  juiti^cation  to  either,  so  on  the  other,  concurrent  cir- 
cumstances  formed  a  complete  justification  to  the  United 
Jtates  in  maintaining,  notwithstanding  these  encroachments, 
provided  it  best  comported  with  their  interests,  that  system  of 
ipartial  neutrality,  which  is  so  deairanle  to  their  peace  and 
prosperity.     For,  if  it  should  be  admitted,  which  no  course  of 
argument  can  maintain,  that  the  Berlin  decree,  which  was  is- 
led  on  the  2 1st  November^  1806,  was  justified  by  the  antcce- 
mt  orders  of  the  British  admit  alty,  respecting  the  colonial 
rade,  and  by  the  order  of  blockade  of  the  16ih   Muy  precede 
ig,  yet  on  this  account,  there  resulted  no  right  of  retaliation 
France  as   it  respected   the  United  States.     They  had  ex- 
jressed  no  acquiescence  either  in  the  British  interference  with 
Se  colonial   irade,  or  in  any  extension  of  the  principles  of 
lockade.    Besides,  had  there  been  any  such  neglect  on  the 
irt  of  the  United  States  as  warranted  by  the  French  Empe- 
K'in  adopting  his  principle  of  retaliation,  yet  in  the  exercise 
that  pretended  right,  he  past  the  bounds  of  both  public  law* 
id  decency,  and  the  very  extravagance  of  that  exercise,  lost 
kc  advantage  of  whatever  colour  the  British  had  afforded  to 
f»  pretences.     Not  content  with  adopting  a  principle  of  re- 
lation, in  terms  limited  and  appropriate  to  the   injury  of 
lich  he  complained,  he  declared  **  all  the  British  islands  in 
itate  of  blockade ;  prohibited  all  commerce  and  correspond- 
ice  with  them;  all  trade  in  their  manufactures;  Sc  made  law* 
[1  prize  of  all  merchandize  belonging  to  England,  or  coming 
1)m  its  manufactories  and  colonies."    The  violence  of  these 
icroachments  was    equaled  only  by  the  insidiousness  of  the 
irms  and  manner  in  which  they  were  promulgated.    Th9 
ppe  of  the  expressions  of  the  Beilin  decree  was  so  general 
kat  it  embraced  within  its  sphere  the  whole  commerce  of 
lutrals  with  England.    Yet  Dacres,  minister  of  the  marine 
France,  by  a  formal  note  of  the  24th  December,  1806,  as* 
iredour  minister  plenipotentiary,  that  the  imperial  decree  of 
le  21st  November  1806,  *♦  was  not  to  affect  our  commerce, 
Ihich   would  still  be  governed  by  the  rules  of  ihe  treaty  es- 
jblished  between  the  two  countries.     Notwithstanding  this 
suranc^,  however,  on  the  18th  September  following,  Reig- 
\er,  grand  minister  of  justice,  declared  ''  that  the  inuntions 
the  emperor   were,   that  by  virtue  of  that  decree,  French 
rmed  vessels   might  seize  in  neutral  vessels,  either  English 
roperty  or  merchandize  proceeding  from  the  English  manu- 
^ctorics;  and  that  lie  had  reserved  for  future  decision  the 

Bo 


•Vi. 


?1 


r 


If. 


ii 


Ift 

.]i.ie  stion  whetlicr  they  might  not  possess  themselves  of  nca-« 
tt  ttl  VI  ssels  going  to  or  from  England,  although  thcjr  had  ool 
English  manufactures  on  board."  Pretensions,  so  obviously 
excefoing  any  measure  of  retaliation,  that  if  the  precedent! 
acts  of*  the  Briiish  government  had  afforded  to  such  a  resort 
any  color  of  right,  it  was  lost  in  the  violence  and  extrayagancel 
of  these  assumed  principles.  '  I 

To  tlie  Berlin  decrees  succeeded  the  British  orders  in  c«un-| 
ril,  of  the  7th  of  January,  1807,  which  were  merged  m   the 
orders  of  the  llih  of  November  followiog.     These  declared! 
all    ports,  and   places  belonging    to  France,  and    it»   allies, 
'*  from  which  the  Biiiish  kd^  was   excluded,  all,  in  the  colo- 
"  ics  of  his  Britannic  majesly*a  enemies,  in  a  state  of  block- 
**ade  ;— prohibiting  all  trade,  in  the  produce  and  nuanufac- 
*  <  tures,  of  the  said  countries  or  colonies  ;  and  niaking  all  ves- 
*'  sels,  trading  to  or  from  them,  and  all  merchandrse,  on  board  i 
*'  subject  to  capture  and    condemnation,  with  an   exception, 
'*  only  in  favour  of  the  direct  trade,  between  neutral  countries 
•*  and  the  colonies  of  his  majesties  enemies.**         #?f    v^<  ^,     || 

These  extravagant  pretensions,  on  the  part  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, were,  immediately  succeeded  by  others,  still  more  ex- 
travagant, on  the  part  of  France.  Without  waiting  for  any 
knowledge  of  the  course,  the  American  government  would 
tike,  in  relation  to  tha  British  orders  in  council,  the  French >>| 
Emperor  issued  on  the  17th  of  December  following,  his  Mi-91 
Ian  decree,  by  which  "every  ship  of  whattvernation,  which  >l 
'*  shall  have  submitted  to  search,  by  an  English  ship,  or  to  a T 
*'  voyage  to  England,  or  paid  any  tax  to  that  governmcnti  arei 
*'  declared  denatioiializedy  and  lawful  prize.  Va 

*•  The  British  Islands  are   declared  in  a  state  of  blockade,! 
"  by  sea  and  land,  and  every  ship  of  whateveir  nation,  or  what- 
"  soever  the  nature  of  its  cnrgo  may  be,  that  sails  front  Eng»l 
•*  land,  or  those  of  the  English  colonies,  or  of  Countries  occu- 
*'  pied  by  English  troops,  and  proceeding   to   England,  or  toj 
'*  th«  Enp;'ish  colonies,  or  to  countries  occupied  by  the  Eng. 
"  lish,  to  bi  good  prize."     The    nature  and  extent  of  these] 
jjij'iries  thus  accumulated  by  mutual  efforts  of  both    belligcr- 
etits,  seemed  to  teach  the  American  statesman  this  important] 
Wesson,  not  to  attach  the  cause   of  his  country  to  one,  or  the 
other  ;    but   by   systematic    and    solid     provisions,    for    sea- 
•.o »8t  anil  maritime  defence,  to   place   its  interests,  as  far  as 
its  sitUAtit)n,  and  resources  permit,  beyond  the  leach  of  the  J 
•apiicitv,  or  ambition  of  any  European  power.     Happy  wouM 
'♦  have  bicn  for  our  country,  if  a  course  of  policy,  so  si^v.r 
aii<i  obviovti,  hid  be;:n  adopted  I  *^  * 


"""I 


lelves  of  nea<< 
h  thejr  had  oo| 
so  obviously! 
he  pfecedenc| 
ach  a  resorc 
extraragaticel 

dersin  c«un- 
:rged  in  the 
lese  declared 
d  its  allies, 
in  the  colo- 
te  of  block* 
id  manufac- 
iking  all  ves- 
Ihe)  on  board  o§: 
\  exceptioni 
ral  countries 

■    i 

Great  Bri- 
ll more  ex- 
ing  for  any 
ment  would 

the  French ► 
ing,  his  Mi- 
llion, which 
Khrp,  or  to  a 
Tnmenti  are 

of  blockade,! 
on,  or  what- 1 
I  from'  £ng-i 
ntries  occu-'!i 
gland,  or  to  I 
)y  the  Eng. 
nt  of  these! 
th    belligcr. 
s  important' 
one,  or  the 
,    for    sea- 
ls, as  far  as 
each  of  the 
!appy  wouM 
so  sin^*" 


iforlanately  admintr'-^tion  had  racourso  to  a  tyitem,  Vonl^  ^ 
ed  in  its  nature,  an  i  <^tstructive  in  its  efifccts  ;-  which  ini 
of  relief,  from  the  accumulated  injuries  of  foraign  go<* 
lents  served  only  to  fill  up)  what  was  wanting  in  the  mea* 
f  evils  abroad,  by  artifi«ial  embarrassments  at  home.  As 
go,  as  the  year  1794 ;  Mr.  Madi8on,t1ie  present  President 
United  States,  thea  a  member  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
ives,  devised  and  proposed  a  system  of  commercial  ra« 
ons,  which  had  for  il9  object  the  coercion  of  Great- 
n,  by  a  denial  to  her  of  our  products  and  our  market ; 
ing  tltat  the  former  was,  in  a  manner  essential  to  her 
rity,  either  as  necessaries  of  life,  or  as  raw  materials 
r  mannfactures  ;  and,  that  wtthout  the  latter,  a  great 
rtion  of  her  labouring  classes,  could  not  subsist.. 
||hat  day  of  sap:e  a  .d  virtuous  forethought,  the  proposi* 
aftpejected.  It  remained,  however,  a  theme  ofunceas* 
negyric  among  an  active  class  of  American  politiciansi 
ith  a  systematic  pertinacity  inculcated  among  the  peo^ 
at  commercial  restrictions  were  a  species  of  warfare, 
would  ensure  success  to  the  United  StateS}  and  humil^ 

to  Gr^at  Britain.   ^, . . ^.^  Jif4,'•>m^^M  i  M  v*^ ....... .::^f  - • 

sre  were  two  circumstances,  tnberent  in  Chis  sysftm  of 
ng  Great  Britain  by  commercial  restrictions,  which  ought 
e  made  practical  politicians,  very  doubtful  of  its  result, 
ry  cautious  of  it^  trial.     These  were  the  state  of  opin« 
relation  to  its  efficacy  among  commercial,  meo,  in   the 
d  States  i.  and  the  state  of  feeling,  which  a  resort  to  it 
'  unavoidably  produce  in  Great  Britain.  On  the  one  hand) 
undeniable  that  the  great  body  of  commercial  men,  hi 
States,  had  no  belief  in  such  a  dependence  of  Great 
,  upon  the  United  States,  either  for  our  prodiice,^  or  ouf 
et,  as  the  system  implied.  .»X   t,      ,  '  * 

ithout  the  hearty  co-operation  of  thia  clas»  of  men,  sue- 
in  its  attempt  was  obviously  unattainable.     And  as  oil 
the  chief  suifering  wou-ld  fall,  it  was  altogether  unre&* 
le  to  expect  that  they  would  become  co-operating  instru- 
s  in  support  of  any  system,  which  was  ruin  to  them,  and 
out  hope  to  their  country.    On  the  other  hand,  as  it  re- 
ts Great  Britain,  a  system  proceeding  upon  the  avowed 
iple  of  her  dependence  upon  us  was  among   the  last  to 
h  a  proud  and  powerful  nation  would  yield.  ' 

t  withstanding  these  obvious  considerations,  in  April  1806i 
Madison  being  then  Secretary  of  State,  a  law  passed  Obn- 
s,  prohibiting  the  importation  of  certain  specified  manu' 
res  of  Great  Britain,  and  her  dependencies  on  the  b^is 


to 


of  Mr.  Madison's  originsl  "proposition.     Thus  the  UniteV  ^^^^^  ^\ 
States  entered  on  the  system  of  commercial  hosulity  •gwnslgn^  ge^ 

Great  Britain.  .      vt         u   I  The  c| 

The  decree  of  Berlin  was  Issued  in  the  ensuing  Novcmbcrl^^g  ^^^ 
(1806.)  The  treaty,  which  had  been  signed  at  London,  In  DeL^,  ^j^ 
cember,  1806,  having  been  rejected  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  ^ithout^^,. 
being  presented  to  the  Senate.for  ratification,  and  the  non-iraajj^r,  frj 
portation  act  not  being  repealed,  but  only  suspended,  GreaT 
Britain  issued  her  orders  in  council,  on  the  lllh  November| 

1807.  ^        *i  ><i*4'*' 

On  the  21st  of  the  same  month,  of  Nov.  Champagny,  French 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  wrote  to  Mr.  Armstrong  the  Am] 
crican  Minister,  in  the  words  following,  "All  the  difficulties, 
*<  which  have  given  rise  to  your  reclamations,  Sir,  would  bt 
M  removed  with  ease,  if  the  government  of  the  United  State&J 
<<  after  complaining  in  vain  of  the  injustice  and  violations  ofl 
'*  England,  took,  with  the  whole  continent,  the  part  of  guaran* 
^*  teeing  it  therefrom."  I 

On  the  17th  of  the  ensuing  December,  the  Milan  Decreeil 
were  issued  pn  the  part  of  France,  and  five  days  afterwards  thel 
embargo  was  passed  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States.  Thus  wail 
completed,  by  acts,  nearly  coteroporaneous,  the  circle  ofl 
commercial  hostilities.  ^ 

After  an  ineffectual  trial  of  four  years  to  controul  the  poll. 
cyof  the  two  belligerents  by  this  system,  it  was  on  the  part  ofl 
the  U.  States,  for  a  time>  relinquished.  The  act  of  the  1st  of 
2Srlay,  1810,  gave  the  authority,  however  to  the  President  of 
the  U.  States  to  revive  it  against  G.  Britain,  in  case  Franco] 
revoked  her  decrees.  Such  revocation,  on  the  part  of  France  I 
was  declared  by  the  President's  proclamation  on  the  2d  Nov.' 
|810|  and,  in  cojisequence  non«intercourse  was  revived  by  our  I 
administration,  against  G.  Britain. 

At  all  times,  the  undersigned  have  looked,  with  much  anxi* 
etv  for  the  evidence  of  this  revocation.  They  wished  not  to 
question,  what,  in  various  forms,  has  been  so  often  asserted 
by  the  administration  and  its  agents,  by  their  directions.  But 
neither  as  pubUc,  men,  nor  as  citizens,  can  they  consent  that 
tile  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  country  should  be  sacrificed, 
in  maintenance  of  a  position,  which  on  no  principle  of  cvi' 
dence  they  deem  tenable.  They  caunot  falsify,  or  conceal 
their  conviction,  that  the  French  decrees  neither  have  been, 
nor  are  revoked. 

Without  pretending  to  occupy  the  whole  fiel4  of  argument 


I  lO  ! 

Ian  d 
in  :A 
mak^ 


[torn,  ai 


"J 

Mthe 
^»  tlw) 
f^  tro< 
M  tii« 
Rot 


'«.^ 


'■£S- 


21^ 

rhlcTrtheqi!est!ofn  of  revdeatlon  hit  opefied,  a  concift  tttlii 
lent  see^s  insepjlrable  from  the  occasion. 
The  condition,  on  which  the  non-intercourse,  according  to 
|he  act  of  1st  May,  1810,  ini^ht  be  rerived  against  O.  Britain^ 
ras  on  the  part  of  France,  an  tactual  revocation  •/  hor  4e» 
rreti.  What  the  Piesident  of  the  U.  States  was  bound  to  re<« 
mire  from  the  French  ^overment  was,  the  evidence  ^f  such 
ffTectual  tevoration.  Upon  this  point  both  the  right  of  the  U« 
lutes  and  the  duty  of  the  President  teem  to  be  resoWable  xvt^ 
I)  very  distinct  and  iiudeiviablc  ptiuciplcs.  Tbc  object  to  bo 
^btuhu'd,  for  (he  U.  States  from  France  was  an  tjfeciual  rrwo* 
\aiiin  of  thw  decrees.  A  revecuii:«)n  to  be  cfTcctttal,  must,  in« 
)lud6,  in  the  nature  ot  thi'.{;s,  this  esbential  requ'aila :  the 
h'u/lgl  done  to  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  U.  States  by  tho 
»peralion  of  the  decrees,  mu»i  be  stopped.  Nothinj;  short  of 
Ills  rou^d  be  an  effectual  rcrocation.  ■ 

Without  reference  to  the  other  wrongjs  resulting*  from  thoso 
lecrccss  to  the  cornn^.ercc  of  the  U.  Slates  }  it  will  be  suffice 
!nt  to  Slate  the  protnincnl  wron^  done  by  the  3J  article  of  tho 
Tilan  decree. f     T»c  nature  of  ibis  wronj;  essentUiiiy  conaist* 
id  in  :/ie  authoriiy  given  to  Frcnrh  ships  of  war  and  privateers 
[o  make  piiz.^,  at  sea,  of  every   neutral   vessel,   sailing  to  or 
lom,  any  of  the  English  possessions.     The  authority  to  capr 
luro  was    the  very  essence  of  the   wrong.     It   (olldws  there* 
fore,  that  cfl  effectual  revocation  reqwred  that  the  authority  /# 
tafiiure  should  be  annulled.     Gi  anting   therefore,  for  the  siike 
)f  argument,  (what  from  its  terms  and  its  nature  was  certain* 
\y  tv)t  the  case)  that  the  noted  letter  of  the   Duk<«  of  Cadoro 
>(  the  5th  of  August  1810,  held   forth  a  revocation,  good    i» 
>oint  of  form,  and  unconditional,  yet  it  v>aa  not  that  effectual 
"evocation^  for  which  the  act  of  Ist  May,  1810,  alone  author- 
ised ihii   President  of  the  U.  States  to  issue  his  proclamation 
inletis  in  conae^ence  of  that  letter^   the  authority  to  cafiture 
laa  annuled.      The  letter  itll^lf  is  no  annulment  of  the  au- 
thoiity  to  capture,  and  it  is  notoiiousi  tbat  no  evidence  of  tho 
— — _  \|*  *s-^r'***i*  4^ ■'♦!*■.  ^* 

t  This  article  is  in  these  words  :         .  ,-? 

''  Art.  HI.  The  Brituh  it$lan4s  are  declared  to  be  ia  a  stale  of  1;>lockad<|^ 
f'  both  by  land  and  f  (^.  Every  ship  of  whatever  aat^pn,  or  whatsoever 
r  the  nature  of  its  cargo  maylSe,  that  sails  from  th^  ports  of  England,  or 
*'  tlio^e  of  the  English  colonies  and  of  the  countries  occnj^ed  by  Englidi 
*'  troop:,  andipioceeding  to  En^and,  or  to  the  English  colonies,  or  to  cx>an- 
M  t}ie:i  occupied  by  English  troops  is^ood  and  lawful  prize,  a^  conlrMrjr 
M  to  the  present  decree,, and  na^,  he  awj^ureif  hy  our  ships  fff  mar  or  our 
r'  privateers  and  adjudgeU  to  fhe  captor,''* 


•  ^.' 


iM*  '■      I  '^  Ai.i  riAf't '. 


i 


iU 


I 


i 


3*: 

•fUUihiniit  of  thii  tuthority  to  capturt,  over  hat  Wei»  addtf^t 
cdft  It  hat  not  even,  been  pretended.  Oa  the  coniraf-y  thtre 
U  deciftive,  And  almuit  duiiy,  evidence  of  iho  coniiut^ca  cxUt- 
•nee  of  thU  authority  to  capture* 

The  charge  of  executing  the  decreoi  of  Berlin  and  Milaa 
waa,  80  far  aa  conceri.ed  hit  department,  k'i^*''^,  ^X  ^^*  termt 
•f  thote  decreet  to  the  French  miniatcr  of  M^riiie.     Accord- 
ing to  eatublitlied  principloa  of  geneiul  Uw,  the  imperial  act, 
which  g«ve  the  ainhoriiyv  mtiat  be  annulled  by  another  impc 
rial  act,  equuliy  f'iniuil  and  aolcmn  y  or,  ai  ie^itt,   the  authoii- 
ly  to  capture  muat  be  couniernianded  by  tione  order,  of  hu 
atruction,  from  the  miniater  of  marine.     Nothing,  whort  of 
•hia  could  annul  the  authority  nccordiug  to  the  rule  of  the  act 
•crvice.    Wat  such  aitnuUing  act  ever  iatued  by  the  Fiench 
Envporor  ?  Were  any  auch  countermanding  orderaor  inatruc- 
liona  ever  given  by  the  Fiench  nainiater  of  nnarine  ?     In  exer* 
•itinic  a  troat,  comiriiited  to  him,  by  the  legUlature,  on  a  point, 
Bo  interetting  to  the  neutral  commerce  cf  the  U.  Statca,  and 
•n  important  to  the  peace  of  the  oauon«  waa  it  not  the  duty  of 
the  Pnaideni  to  have  the  evidence  of  auch  annulment,  before 
the  isatiingof  any  proclamation  f  llaa,  he  ever,  iniiate^  i^pnn 
inch  evidence  )  Was  it  of  no  conacqo^noe  in  the  rclaj^jve  ait- 
nation  of  tbie  country,  aa  to  foreign  powersj  that  th<i  r^cgular 
«vii3tnce  ahould  be  received  by  our  adminiatration.  And  made 
iinown  ?  Why  haa  a  itiaUer  of  €videiM;«  ao  rb^ioualy  proper, 
io  aimple  in  ita  nature,  ao  level. to  ge«ieral  apprtlKnaioA  and 
ao  ianporimialy  demanded,  by  the  circumataocea  of  tl|e  case, 
hcen  wholly  omitted  i  And  why,  if  the  Eerlin  and  Milan  de- 
•reaa  are  annulled,  ai  ia  pretcndcdf  does  the  French  EmpJ^ror 
withhold  thia  evidence  of  their  annulment  i  Why   di^^hc 
withhold  it,  when  the  question  of  revocation  ia  prcaentod  un» 
der  circumatanceb  ' if  to  much  urgency  ?         4^  .-^m-  !if  iv* 

Not  only  haa  it  never  been  rretended  that  any  auch  impc- 
''tial  act  •f  annulment  haa  isau^,  or  that  any  such  orders,  c 
inatructiona,  counterfnanding  Xhe  authority  ?:  cai)tare,  wer^ 
•ver  given,  but  there  ia  deciaive  evidence  of  the  reverse 
the  conduct  of  the  French  public  armed  ships  and  privateers. 
At  all  times  tihce  Nov^  1810,  these  ships  and  privateers  have 
continued  to  captw:r:^  oar  vesitela  and  property,  on  the  high 
ataa,  upon  the  principle^:  o^  tie  Btrlinard  Milan  decrees, 
numerous  list  of  Amtrir."^  ''Cs'^els,  this  taken,  since  the  1st 
of  November  1810,  now  tf.hu  in  thf  office  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  i  and  among  Kha  ci'^nores  a^e  several  vessels  with 


their  c 
formall 
at  thia 
given 
thede< 

Ust. 
piWat^ 

mav^a* 
they  I 
cotnnn 
Hai 
Uken 
courts 
iher  ii 
vain,  I 
focati 
any  of 
Milan 
the  a 
hjthf 
Th 
enoiii 
The] 
onthi 
vesse 
Paris 
EnfL 
ahip 
ingi 
emy' 
offi 

Iagali 
ulte 
of  tl 


f'sirup's..  jT-^ 


^»  «'.-T;-Jan(^  $i^.r€'Q-^J^-  ^mSH  ^';-vl«-"l.;  l^i 


93 


eei»  idilnt- 
trafv  thtre 
t^ca  exiit- 

and  Milan 
tbe  termi 
Accord' 
iperial  act, 
thcr  impc- 
»e  audioii. 
^er,  or  ii). 
•riiort  of 
of  ih€  act 
iic  French 
•r  ioitruG- 
'    In  cxet. 
on  a  point, 
^tatcM,  and 
hediujr  of 
ent>  before 
littef  i^pan 
rclajtive  mi. 

***  J^^ijular 
I  jAncL  made 
»'y  proper, 
<^n»ioit  and 
•f  il}e  case, 
MiUn^de- 
h  Enoi^ror 
Y  d<^%i)e 


>ucb  impe* 
orders,  c 
are,  wer*? 
reverse 
>rivateers. 
teers  have 
I  the  high 
decrees, 
ce  th«  1st 
Secretary 
»scJs  with 


their  cargoes,  lately  taken  and  deitroyed  ai  tea,  witbont  i%% 
formantjr  of  atHal,  by  (he  commander  of  a  French  aqttadrinv 
at  thU  moment,  cruiaini^  againit  our  commerce,  under  ordert 
f^lren  by  the  minitter  of  marhie,  to  whom  t..e  execution  of 
the  decreet  waa  commiited  ;  and  theee  too  ittued  In  Januarjr 
last.  In  the  Baltic  and  Mediteranean  seas,  cap' urea  by  French 
piWatftfrS  arc  known  to  us,  by  oAcial  documeutf  to  have  been 
mav^e,  under  tho  authority  of  these  dectaef .  How  hen  ar# 
thcf  icfoked  !  How  hate  they  ceased  to  violate  our  netitrgi 
commerce  ? 

Had  any  repeal,  or  modification  of  those  decrees,  in  trutk 
taken  place,  it  must  have  been  communicated  to  the  prixn 
courts,  and  would  hare  b<  en  evidenced  by  some  variation  ei- 
ther In  their  rule«\  t  .  tl  :  principles  of  their  decisions.  1% 
vain,  howtiver,  skiH  tuls  nation  seek  for  such  proof  of  the  reu 
vocation  of  ^Jie  di^Civns.  No  acquittal  has  ever  been  had,  ift 
any  of  the  f  i  '  s  courta,  upon  the  ground  that  the  Berlin  an4 
Milan  decrees  had  ceased,  even  aa  respects  the  U.  Sutes.  On 
iht  contrary  the  evidence  is  decisive  ihat  they  aro  considered 
by  the  French  courts  aa  existing.  -wt-^   •• 

There  are  many  cases  corroborative  of  this  position.  It  it 
enoiigh  to  sttite,  only,  two,  wliich  appear  In  the  oliiciai  reports* 
The  American  ship  Julian  was  captured  by  a  French  prlvateef, 
on  the  Uth  Juljr,  181 1,  and  on  the  tenth  September  Iftll,  tbn 
vessel  and  cargo  were  condemned,  by  tbe  council  of  prixea  at 
Paris  among  other  reasons,  becaute  the  vaaa  i^inted  by  tevetitl 
MnfUth  vtiteh.  Oil  the  same  day  the  Hercules  an  American 
ship  Iras  condemned  by  the  imperial  court  of  priMB,  alledg« 
ing  tint  it  vras  impossible,  that  ahe  was  not  visited  by  the  »•• 
emy's  ships  of  war."  So  familiar  to  them  was  the  existence 
of  the  decrees,  and  such  their  eagerness  to  give  them  effect 
against  our  commerce,  that  they  feigned  a  visitation  to  have 
taken  place,  and  that  notwithstanding,  the  express  declaration 
of  the  captain  and  crew,  to  the  contrary.  In  addition  to  which 
<s*"^dence,  M**.  Russers  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated 

'  May,  "^'11,  says  <<  it  may  not  be  improper  to  remark  that 
'  no  American  vessel  captured  since  the  1st  Novemberi  1810 
**  has  yet  been  released. **  ■■>  «m^  ' 

From  this  it  is  apparent,  that  tbe  commanders  of  the  natioft^ 
a1  vessels,  the  privateersmna«  and  the  judges  of  the  prixe 
courts,  to  which  may  be  added  also  the  custom  house  officerSf 
who,  as  the  instruments  of  carrying  into  effect  the  decrees^ 
must  have  been  made  acquainted  with  the  repeal  had  it  exist* 
ed,  have  been  from  first  to  last,  Ignorant  of  any  revocation  • 
sod  uniformly  acted  upon  tbe  principle  of  their  existence. 


?l 


!    ^ 


9lf  Other  «fidence  of  the  continued  existence  of  Uiofe|ecreet 
VMfd  requiittoy  the  acts  of  the  Freoch  govertimetyt  aS^tiSCh 
M  AiiuU  and  enpUeit.  Chanipagny,  Ouke  of  Cadorf^  oiinis. 
ler  of  foreicii  velationst  in  his  report  to  his  miyesiy  Mne  JSm" 
pe»r  and  king,  dated  Paris  3d  Dece»tM;r»  1810,  apeakii^g  of 
ihe  decreet  «f  Berlin  and  Milan,  sif  s  esprest^.  «  As  ling 
*^m»  England  abaU  persist  in  her  ocders  in-coiDicili  ifGiur  m«. 
^  jesty  wiUptrtitt  in  yomr  decreet,*'  Than  which  no  ||ec||^f 
^iloa  caabe  noKe  direct  not  only  ihat  the  Be^Iia  andJMilaft^- 
crees  are  unrevoked,  but  that  they  will  so  reiiiaiii»  until  rihe 
£ngli8h  orders  in  council  are  withdrawn.  And  in  the  address 
debTered,hy  his  imperial  majesty,  Napoleonyta the  council  of 
<«oi]iiiifirce4>n  the  SlAtMaroh,  18  U,  be  thus  declares  <*The 
^ideooees  of  Berlin  and-fMilao  Are  the  .fundamejital  iaws.oC  my 
^*  ^npire.  <For  the  neuteal  Jiavigation  I  eonaider  the  flag  ^ 
M  an  ttkteitaion  of  territory.  The  powper,  .which  «u€era  its 
i»<iflag  to  be  violated,  cannot  be  coosideted  at  neulcaJ.  The 
^*iata  of  die  Attievican  cMntneroe  inill  soon  bedecided«  I 
IH  williAMwrU,  if  the  United  States  €aaSami  tbeoteivea  te 
<<  thete  decrees^  in  acontrary  oattt-tliMr  vestelt^wiii  be  dr^p 
t^  di  freai  jisy  «mptrc/'  j  i#r^ 

.^  And  ae  late  at  the  IQth  of  MariEb/lsat,  in.a  report  9I  the 
fllrcneb  miottter  of  foreign  relatioatr  communicated  io- the 
«con«er»atiTe  SeQate,k  is  declared,  <*  thai  at  ioog  aottwlM- 
^tiah  orderaio  eounoil  ore  not  ro¥oked,  and  the  pi4neip|ea  <of 
>^'the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  voJation  to  noutrait  put  in  ^tree, 
!*<  the  cdecrees  ofBetlin  and  iMilan,  ougbtto  atibsist ;  hv  tie 
•powsevaarho  euffier  tfeeir€Ag  tobe  denauooallsed."  Imioodlof 
>theto  o^s,  it  there  dar»y  exception  in  Wov  ofnbb  Unii^ 
tStatot.  Andton/  the  contrary  in  the  report  «f  Mooch  laal,  by 
«^placing  thote  decress  on  the  batit  of  *<<tbo  prifioi|ylet  1^  iHo 
t«<  treaty  of  Utrecht. "  The  French  minister  has  extended  Hie 
itorms.of  revocation  beyond  all  prior  pretensiont.  « 

Those  who  maintain  the  re  vooation  of  these  decreet,  01  It 
iMfspecte  the  U.  Staes,  rely  wholly  upon  the  suspension  of 
4he  decisions  of  the  French  prise  courts,  in  relation  to  toile 
vibw  vetteltyondthe  liberation*of  others,  by  the  sptcial  direc- 
tion of  the  French  Emperor.  Can  ther^be  8tr0ng^r-^pf^Bltlin{k* 
'dfo  evidence,  of  the  exi8loi»c»ef  those  decreet  than  thlt«— 
(that  no  vessel ie  ^xotpiod  from  their  operation,  «miiaf^ 
'ihe  tpeclal  exercise  of  the  Emperor's  will,  in  the  panicnbir 
(^Mne.    ■       .'        .. 

r  If  the  docreoi  wore  iilbeiiYely  revoked,  there  would  bo  »o 


»^'if-lt      icif-- 


^--      1^ 


K||crMt 
allJp|ttlch 
orjQj.  s^iois. 

«<  As  (iAg 

kit  iinOl  ^t 
tJM«ditrets 
•  CQiinciioC 
larts  «  T&« 
liawtoCtnf 
r  tbeflftgAB 
suffers  ks 
utcpJ.  Tiic 
decid«i«    I 

liill  be  dr^ 

i|>ort  9f  tin 
Rted  ietbe 
BMtiMllri- 

lilt  io  (ort9i 
itt ;  for  tic 

ifcli  kii|»  dy 
iplM  «« iMi 
xten4vdtlfe 

ecp«e«,  ««it 
»s|Miiaioii  of 
ion  t#««|lle 

^rpupiiiint^. 
€han  lhlt«-- 
r«iitil^af4r 
e  paniccitar 

(rouldb«1|o 


:-^'-.: 


■i 


A; 


captures ;  op  if  any  were  made,  liberation  would  ba  a  matte f 
of  course  and  of  general  right ;  instead  of  being  an  affair  ot* 
particular  favor,  or  caprice*  Is  it  for  vexations  and  indulgen- 
cies  like  thes  ',  that  the  people  of  the  U.  States  are  tj  aban- 
don their  commerce  and  peace  ?  Is  it  for  such  favors,  they 
are  to  invite  the  calamities  of  war  ?  If  the  resources  of  nego- 
tiation wore  exhausted,  had  the  government  no  powers  re- 
maining to  diminish  the  causes  of  national  controversy,  by 
preventing  abuses  ?  After  this,  had  it  no  powers  to  provide 
for  protecting  indisputable  and  important  rights,  without  wag- 
ing a  war  of  offence  ?  In  the  regular  exsrcise,  of  legislative 
and  executive  powers  ;  might  not  the  fair  objects  of  interest 
for  our  country  have  been  secured  completely,  by  consistent; 
and  wholesome  plans  for  defensive  protection?  And  would 
hot  a  national  position,  strictly  defensive,  yet  highly  respect- 
able,  have  been  less  burthensome  to  the  people  than  the  pro- 
jected war  ?  Would  it  not  be  more  friendly  to  the  cause  of  our 
own  seamen  ; — more  safe  for  our  navigation  and  commerce  ; 
more  favorable  to  the  Interests  of  our  agriculture  ;  less  haz- 
ardous to  national  duaracter:  more  worthy  of  a  people  jealous 
of  their  liberty  and  independence  ?*";       *'•'' 

por  entering  into  these  liostilities  is  there  any  thing,  in  the 
frieoidship,  or  commerce,  of  France,  in  its  nature  very  inter- 
esting, or  alluring?  Will  the  reaping  of  the  scanty  fields  of 
French  trade*  which  we  seek,  in  any  way  compensate  for  the 
rich  harvest  of  general  commerce,  which  by  war  we  are  about 
to  abandon  ?  When  entering  into  a  wa*,  with  Great  Britain 
Jqu  pppiniercial  rights  and  interests,  it  seems  impossible  not 
to  enquire  into  the  state  of  our  commercial  relations  with 
France,  and  the  advantages  the  United  States  will  obtain.  Wa 
may  thus  be  enabled  to  judge  whether  the  prize  is  worth  tho 
contest. 

By  an  official  statement,  made  to  Congress  clinincj  the  pre- 
sent session,  it  appears  that  of  45,294,000  dollars  of  doraetitic 
productions  of  the  United  Stales,  exported  from  September 
'30th,  1810,  to  October  1,  1811, only  1,194,275  dollars  iverc  ex- 
ported to  France  and  Italy,  inpluding  Sicily,  not  a  dependency 
of  France. 

France  is  now  deprived  of  all  her  foreign  colonies,  and  by 
reviewing  our  tradd  with  that. country  for  several  years  pa^t 
ar.(j  before  the  date  of  the  orders  in  council,  it  will  app(  ar  il)|it 
cxciuaive  of  her  foreign  possessions,it  has  been  compurulively., 
incor;siflerable.  The  annexed  slater^ient  markc.l  A.  taken 
from  official  documents,  shows  th?  <iiiaiuiiy  of  particular  atli* 

C 


^i—w^"*. 


■ 

y 


V:\ 


I  *  ■  ' 

des,  the  produce  of  the  ttnited  States  exported  to  ill  (he  wotII^  jiMlilgldA* 
iii{;  the  amount  both  to  France  and  to  England  and  her  dependencies  ftotn 
1810  to  1811.    From  this  statement  it  appears  how  small  a  proportion  of 
the  great  staples  of  our  country  is  taken  t  by  France.    WhUe  France  re* 
tained  her  coloniep,  her  colonial  produce  found  its  way  to  the  mother  coun« 
try  through  the  United  Stated,  and  our  trade  with  her  in  these  articles,  wat 
not  inconsiderable.    But  since  6he  has  been  deprived  of  her  foreign  jposses* 
eious,  and  ^ince  ihe  establishment  of  her  municipal  r^nlation*,  as  to  licenc* 
cs,  this  ti-ade  has  been  in  a  great  degree  annihilated.    With  respect  to  eolo* 
nial  produce  none  can  be  imported  into  France  except  from  fKUiievlar  pofU 
of  the  United  State>  and  under  special  imperial  licences.    For  these  licences 
our  merchants  must  pay  what  the  agents  of  the  French  gOTernment  think 
proper  to  demand.     Ais  to  articles  of  our  domestic  produce,  they  an)  bur« 
dened  with  such  exhorbitant  duties,  and  are  subjected  to  such  regulation! 
and  restrictions  on  their  importation  as,  in  ordinary  times,  wiU  amount  to 
a  prohibition.    On  the  5th  of  August  1810,  the  verjr  day  of  the  Bnke  of 
Cadore's  noted  letter,  a  duty  was  imposed  on  all  sea-island  cotton,  import* 
«(l  into  France,  of  more  than  eighty  cents  per  pound,  and  on  other  cotton 
of  about  sixty  cents  per  pound,  amounting  to  three,  or  four,  times  their 
original  cost  in  the  United  iStates.    And  as  to  tolmcco,  the  French  minister 
bete  on  the  23d  of  July  1811,  informed  our  government  that  it  was  **  under 
an  adniini><tration  (en  regie)  in  France ;  the  administration  (he  says)  is  the 
only  consumer  and  can  purchase  only  the  quantity  necessary  for  its  con- 
gumption."    And  by  other  regulations  not  more  than  one  Jiftieth  of  all 
the  tobacco  consumed  in  France,  can  be  of  foreign  growth.    The  ordinary 
quantity  of  tobacco  annually  consumed  in   France  is  estimated  at  thirty 
thousand  hogsheadSf  leaving  only  about  two  thousand  hogsheads  of  foreign 
tobacco  to  be  purcha; ed  in  France. 

Ii.  addition  to  these  impositions  and  restrictions,  the  importer  is  not  left 
fit  liberty  with  respect  to  his  return  cargo.  By  other  edicts,  he  is  compelled 
to  vest  the  avails  ot  his  importations,  if  after  paying  duties  and  seizutei, 
any  remain  in  such  articles  of  French  produce  and  manufacture,  as  the 
French  government  thinks  proper  to  direct.  Twothirds  at  least  must  belaii 
oui  in  silks  and  the  other  third  in  wines,  brandies,  and  other  articles,  of  that 
country.  To  show  that  this  account  of  our  commercial  relations  with 
Fiance  does  not  rest  on  doubtful  authority,  the  undersigned  would  refer  to 
the  siaiements  and  declarations  of  our  government  on  this  subject.  Jn  % 
letter  from  Mr.  Smith,  the  late  Secretary  of  State,  to  the  minister  of  Francs 
here,  of  the  IBth  December  1810,  si)eaking  of  our  trade  to  that  country, 
nuder  its  regulations,  after  the  pretended  repeal  of  the  decrees,  Mr.  Smith 

+  It  appears  by  it  that  for  twelve  years  past,  France  has  not  taken  in  any 
year  more  than 

Cotton  7,000,000  Pounds  j  Tobacco        16,000  Hogshead! 

Rice  7,000  Tierces  |  Dried  Fish    87,000  auintals 

Of  flour,  naval  stores  and  lumber,  none  of  any  importance. 
It  also  apjiears,  by  it,  that  the  annual  avemge  taken  by  France  foi 
twelve  years,  was  of 

C«»tton  2,664,090  Pounds  |         Tobacco         5,927   Hogshead! 

Kice  2,258  Tierces  |  Fish  24,735  auintals 

Of  late  years  some  of  those  articles  have  not  l)een  shipped  at  all  directly 
to  France,  but  they  have  probably^  found  ih&LS  way  thither  Ihfovgli  ilu 
northern  ports  of  Europe.  "      *'  "* 


^-. 


lencin  ffolft 
roportion  of 
J  France  »• 
nother  conn* 
articles,  wai 
reign  jossea* 
,  as  to  lirenc* 
jpecttocol^ 
irf  ictilar  i^wU 
these  licences 
rnment  thinly 
they  are  but* 
h  regulation! 
'^ill  amount  to 
[  the  Dnlte  of 
>tton,  import- 
a  other  cotton 
ir,  times  their 
rench  minister 
It  was  **  under 
he  says)  is  the 
y  for  its  con- 
f^dh  of  all 
The  ordinary 
mated  at  tUrty 
eads  of  foreign 


urter  is  not  left 
he  is  compelled 
Bs  andseizurtip 
afacture,  as  the! 
atst  mustbelaiil 

articles,  of  that! 

relations  withi 
1  would  refer  tol 
.9  subiect.  In  tl 
nister  of  Franctl 
o  that  country,! 
crees,  Mr.  Smithl 

lot  talcen  in  anyj 

Hogshead! 

Quintals 
tance. 
n  by  France  m 

5,92t  Hogsheadj 
1,735  Q-uintals  j 
ped  at  all  directly 
lither  through  tb' 


:^. 


■•W    31  . 


27 


gays,  "  The  restrictions  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  had  the  effect  of 
restraining  the  American  merchants  from  sendint;  their  ye>if;e1s  to  France. 
The  interdictions  in  the  system  that  has  been  ^^ub^tituted,  a^^ainst  the  ad- 
mission of  American  products,  will  have  the  effect  of  imposing  upon  them 
an  equal  restraint." 

'*  If  then,  for  the  revoked  decrees,  municipal  1aw<>,  producing  the  .«aijne 
commercial  eflcct  have  been  substituteil,  the  mode  only,  and  not  the  mea- 
sure has  undergone  an  alteration.  And  however  trne  it  may  be,  that  {\\k\ 
change  is  lawful  in  form,  it  is,  nevertheless,  as  true,  that  it  is  essential!)-  iin- 
irieiidly,  and  (hat  it  does  not  at  allcompun  with  the  iiJcas  inspire<l  by  your 
letter  of  the  2Tth  ult.  in  which  you  wtve  pleai^fd  to  <leclai-e  the  "([t.-^tinctl)- 
pronounced  intention  of  his  imperial  majesty  of  lavoring  tl:c  cou:- 
At.ercial  relations,  between  France  and  the  tTnited  States,  in  all  the 
objects  of  traffic,  which  shall  evidently  proceed  from  their  aijricultuie,  or 
manufactures."  "  If  France,  by  Hter  own  act?,  has  blockaded  up  her  ports 
against  the  introduction  of  the  products  of  the  United  State?,  what  mo- 
tive has  this  government,  in  a  di$cu5«iou  with  a  third  power,  to  insi'^t  o)i 
the  privilege  of  going  to  France?  Whence  the  inducement,  to  urge  the  an- 
nulment of  a  blockade  of  France,  when,  if  annulled,  no  American  cat- 
goes  could  obtain  a  market  in  any  of  her  ports  ?  In  such  a  state  of  thin?;, 
a  blockade  of  the  coast  of  France  would  be,. to  the  United  Stales,  as  unim- 
portant, as  would  be  a  blockade  of  the  cnast  of  the  Caspian  sea." 

And  so  far  has  the  French  emperor  been  from  relaxin«r,  in  wliole,  or  iu 
part,  these  odious  regulations  as  to  uf,  in  consequence  of  our  subaiit- 
ting  to  give  up  our  English  trade,  that  they  have  been  made  a  subject  of 
special  instructions,  to  the  minister,  who  has  been  sent  to  the  court  of 
France.  Mr.  Monroe,  in  his  letter  of  instructions  to  Mr.  Barlow  of  Ju- 
ly 26, 1811,  says,  "Your  early  and  particular  attention  will  be  drawn  to 
the  great  su  bject  of  the  commercial  relation,  which  is  to  subsist,  in  luture, 
between  the  United  States  and  France.  The  President  expects  that  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  will  be  placed,  in  the  ports  of  France,  ou 
such  a  footing  as  to  afford  it  a  fair  market;  and  to  the  industry  and 
Snterprise  of  their  citizens,  a  reasonable  encouragement.  An  arianj;c- 
ment  to  this  effect  was  looked  for,  immediately  after  the  revocation  of  the 
decrees,  but  it  appears  from  the  doccuments,  in  this  tlepavtinent,  that  that 
was  not  the  casrc ;  on  the  contrary  thiol  our  commerce  has  been  suhjccted  to 
the  greatest  discouragement,  or  rather,  to  the  most  oppressive  restraints  ;  that 
the  vessels,  which  carried  coffee  sugar  &c.  thougli  sailing  directly  from 
the  United  States  to  a  French  port,  wereheM  in  a  state  of  sequestration 
on  the  principle,  that  the  trade  was  prohibited,  and  that  the  imporiation 
of  these  articles  was  not  only  unlawful,  but  criminal  ;  that  even  the  ves- 
sels, which  carried  the  unquestionable  productions  of  the  United  State?, 
were  exposed  to  great  and  expensive  delays  to  tedious  investijrations,  in 
unusual  forms,  vmd  to  exitrlitant  duties.  In  short  that  the  ordinary  usages 
of  commerce  heiween  friendly  tuitions  were  abandoned." 

Again  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  same  letter,  says,  "  If  the  i)orts  of  France, 
and  her  allies  are  not  opened  to  the  commerce  ot  the  United  States,  on  a 
liberal  scale  and  on  fair  conditions,  of  whai  a>  ai!  to  them,  it  may  b  e 
atiked,  will  be  the  revocation  of  the  British  orders  in  council  ?  In  cou- 
teiiding  for  the  revocatian  of  these  orders,  so  far  as  it  wa>  an  object  ;•(  in- 
terest, the  United  States  had  in  view,  a  trade  to  tiic  continent.  It  Mas  si 
fair  legitimate  object  and  worth  contending  Ibr,  while  France  cncoura^alil. 
But  if  she  shuts  her  ports  on  our  commerce,  or  buidens  it  wi'  'i  lieavy 
duties,  that  motive  is  at  an  end."    He  agaiu  sa)'s,  "  you  will  &i.Q  tne  m- 


f  t'fsa-immi^diitm^KinuMimwM 


S8 


/A 


,j^, 


^T' 


I 


II 


II 


^1  j»i^ 


.iuptite  and  finloavour  to  prercnt  tlie  neccsaty  of  bringuig  in  relutli  for 
.A  mcTiran  cargoes,  sold  in  France,  an  equal  amdunt  in  tt«  produccy  or 
7immfuctures  of  that  country.  No  Bueh  obligation  is  imposed  on  French 
T'U  rthantF,  trading  to  the  United  States.  They  enjoy  the  liberty  of  selling 
tlit'ir  caTjjroes  for  cash,  and  taking  back  what  they  pleased  from  this  coun- 
try, in  return.  It  is  indispensable,  that  the  trade  be  free,  that  all  Ameri- 
« an  citizen?  engaged  in  it  be  placed  on  the  same  footing,  and,  with  this 
viev,  that  the  system  of  carr}''ing  it  on,  hjf  liccnceSf  granted  by  French 
fti^pnts  be  immediately  annulled.^' 

The  despatches  from  Mr.  Barlow,  by  the  Hornet,  most  clearly  show 
that  the  ixpcctutions  of  our  government  have  not  only  not  been  realized, 
iiut  tliat  even  the  promises  obtained,  by  our  minister  are  of  a  very  un- 
talisfactory  nature.  Indeed  while  Bonaparte  is  sending  armies  to  the  north 
«>f  Europe,  to  take  possession  of  the  ports  on  the  Baltic,  and  by  his  fa-st 
failing  6(iuadrons,is  burning  American  vessels,  on  the  Atlantic,  all  expect- 
alioni  of  a  free  trade  from  Fiance,  must  be  worse  than  vain. 

Notwithstanding  the  violence  of  the  belligerents,  were  the  restrictions  of 
our  cwn  goveniment  removed,  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  might  be 
extensive  and  pvofilable.  It  is  well  known  lliat  from  the  gallantry  of  our 
ptamen,  if  meicliant  vesc< !s  were  a?loived  to  arm  and  associate,  for  self 
iiefcncp,  they  would  be  able  to  repel  many  unlawful  aggressions.  Tfte 
danger  of  capture  would  be  diminished,  and  in  relation  to  one  of  the  bel- 
ligerent." at  least,  the  riiik,  under  such  circum!:tauce£,  would  soon  be  ntica- 
^aredby^insurance.,^  ^„^,^^.^,,4i',^,^,   _,,^^,        ^  ... 

J  he  tii.scusaons  of  our  government,  in  relation  to  the  British  orders  m 
roMK< «'),  give  a  currency  to  the  opinion  that  they  exist,  without  any  modi- 
li  ation  according  to  the  extent  of  the  first  principles,  on  which  they  were 
i^MJcd.     And  the  Fiench  minister,  in  liis  last  communication,  on  this  ^ub- 
jf-i'i,  niAile  to  the  CoBiiervative  ^(nate,  on  the  10th  of  Mavch  last,  speaks  of 
tl;f^  Llockalo  of  the  lOtli  of  May,  1806,  as  annihilating  the  rights  of  all  mar- 
iiime  state!  and  putting  under  interdiction  vhole  coasts  and  empires;  arid 
of  iJie  oic]er?in  council  of  1  POT,  as  though  still  aibsisting,  and  that  accord- 
ing to  their  priiiciples  all  vessels  were  compelled  "  to  pay  a  tribute  to  Eng- 
Jiind,  aad  all  car^oei- a  tariff  to  her  customs."    What  the  real  extent  and 
principle  ol  the  blockade  of  May  1806  were,  have  already  been  explained. 
With  iTspect  to   the  British  orders  of  1807,  the  truth  is,  that  by  a  new 
order  is.ued  on  the  20th  of  April  1809,  they  Mere  revoked  or  modified, 
an<l  the  obnoxious  transit  duty  called  by  the  French  Minister  "tribute 
and  tarifP'  v  as  done  away.     The  ntW  order  of  April  180S,  which  is  now 
the  subject  ot  complaint  is  limited  to  "  all  the  ports  and  places  as  liar  north 
as  the  river  Ems,  inclusively,  under  the  government,  styling  itself  the  King- 
dom oi  Holland,  and  all  ports  and  places  under  the  government  of  France, 
togctliev  with  the  colonies,  plantations,  and  t;ettlcnie:;ts  in  llie  possession  ot| 
those  government •;  ^especli^  ely,  and  all  ports  and  places  in   the  northern 
parts  of  l^aly,  to  bertckoued  from  the  port,s  of  Orbitello  and  Fesaro  in- 
clasivdy." 

The  eliV(  (  then  of  the  British  orders  of  blockade,  now  in  force,  is  to  de- 
jui^e  us  ot  tlie  commeicc  of  France,  Holland  av.d  a  i>art  of  Italy.  And 
.  t  J\ey  leai  e  oi)en  to  us  tlie  commerce  of  » \  ilic  rest  ci"  the  world.  Whai  that 
is  ^<)me  estimate  may  i)e  lonncd  l>y  recurrence  to  the  cubjoined  table, 
which  exhibits  Ihe  ;nateof  cvr  commerce  during  1806  and  1807— The  two 
last  years  anteeedent  to  the  operation  of  our  restrictive  system.  By  that 
tabic  it  anpcaiii  that  the  value  pf  the  exjports  of  our  domestic  products  to 


To 
To 
pa| 
To 


To 
de; 

Te 
of 


* 


■ftv 


rclum  for 
produce,  or 
I  on  French 
rty  of  selling 
im  this  coufi- 
tt  all  Ameri- 
d,  with  this 
Iby  French 

clearly  show 
»een  realized, 
a  very  nn- 
js  to  the  north 
,\  hy  his  fast 
ic,  all  expect- 
in. 

restrictions  of 
tatesmighibe 
llaiitry  of  our 
iate,  for  self 
ression?.  Tfte 
me  of  the  b«l- 
soon  bemea- 

itifch  orders  in 
lut  any  modi- 
hich  they  were 
n,  on  this  ^ub- 
last,  FpeaTtP  of 
htsof  all  mar- 
[  enjpives ;  arid 
id  that  accord- 
tribute  to  Eng. 
eal  extent  and 
^ecn  explained, 
that  by  a  new 
;d  or  modified, 
iiii^ter  "tribute 
,  vhich  is  now 
cet  as  lar  north 
itself  the  King- 
nent  of  Fiance, 
le  poflscf^^sion  of 
1  the  northern 
and  Pesaro  in- 

force,  is  to  de- 
3f  Italy.  And 
Id.  What  that 
ibjoined  table, 
180T— The  two 
ijtem.  By  that 
i,ic  products  to 


at  an  average  oii- 


Franae  Holland  and  Italy  was  during  thoRe  two  year;:,  t 
\y  of  about  strand  a  half  million  of  dollars.  Whereas  the  averajre  of  our 
domestic  exports,  to  all  other  parts  of  the  world,  and  Avhtch  are  now  left 
Ireey  to  us,  notwithstanding  the  effect  of  the  British  orders  in  council  ex- 
ceed thirijf  eigiU  millions  !  So  extensive  a  commerce,  it  is  proposed  to  sur- 
lender  for  the  restrictive  trade  the  French  emi>eror  will  alloM\  A  tvatlo 
burdened  by  impositions,  or  harrassed  by  vexation?,  from  French  domi- 
nation, and  French  Douaniers,  or  custom-house  officers  in  almost  every 
port  of  Continental  Euroiw;. 

As  in  the  scale  of  commercial  advantages  France  ha«  little  to  offer,  in 
return,  for  the  many  obvious  hazards,  which  according  to  the  wish  of 
her  Emperor,  the  United  States  are  about  to  incur  ;  so  in  the  moral  esti- 
mate of  national  prospects,  there  h  little  character  to  gain,  or  consolation 
to  expect,  in  the  dark  scene  of  thing^u  on  which  we  are  entering. 

A  nation  like  the  United  States,  happy  in  its  great  local  relations  ;  re- 
moved from  the  bloody  theatre  of  Europe  ;  with  a  maritime  border,  opening; 
vast  fields  for  enterprize — with  territorial  possessions  exceeding,  eveiy  real 
want ; — ^its  lire-sides  safe ; — its  altars  undefiled, — from  invasion  nothing  i  j 
fear ; — from  acquisition  nothing  to  hope  ; — how  shall  such  a  natioTi  look  to 
Heaven  for  its  smiles,  while  throwing  aAvay,  as  though  they  Mere  Morthless, 
all  the  blessing?  aud  joys,  which  peace  and  such  a  distinguished  lot,  include  ? 
With  what  prayers  can  it  address  the  Most  High  when  it  prepares,  to  *pour 
forth  its  youthftil  rage,  upon  a  neighbouring  people ;  from  whose  strength, 
it  has  nothing  i«  dread,  from  whose  devastation  it  has  nothing  to  gain  ? 

If  our  ills  were  of  a  nature  that  war  would  remedy ;  if  war  would  com- 
pensate any  of  our  losses ;  or  remove  any  of  onr  complaints,  there  a  light 
be  some  alleviation  of  the  suffering  in  the  charm  of  the  prospect.  But  how 
will  war  upon  the  land  protect  commerce  upon  the  ocean  ?  \\h2Li  balm  has 
Canada  for  woundecT  honor?  How  are  our  mavineis  benefited  hy  a  war 
which  exposes  thos&  who  are  free,  without  j^oinising  release  to  thore  who 
are  impressed  ? 

But  it  is  said  that  war  is  demanded  by  honour.  Is  national  honor  a* 
principle  which  thirsts  after  vengeance,  and  is  appeafe<l  only  by  blood ; 
which  trampling  on  the  hopes  of  man,  aud  spurning  the  law  of  God,  uu* 


t  Value  of  articles 
In  1806; 
Whole  Amount  Dol..41,253,727 


of  domestic  produce,  exported  to  all  the  world 

In  1807. 
Whole  Amount      Dols.  48,699,592: 


To  France  3,226,699 
To  Holland,  now 

part  of  France  3,609,964 

Tolt^y  185,346 

■  7.022,008 


To  England  and 

dependencies  19,179,981 

To  all  other  parts 

of  tie  world  15,051,740 


34,231,721- 


2,716,141 

3,098,234 
250,257 

6,064,63!2 


27,915,077 
14,719,883 
42,634,960 


'^r 


€^ 


.*.-^ 


^/..^.•. 


J 

I 


y.'- 


i 

'l 


f  ausht  by  V  jiat  is  past  and  carelcsp  of  what  i8  to  com^,  precipitates  itf^lrin- 
to  any  (oll)'^  or  madness  to  p;»ati(y  a  JelfiMi  vauity,  or  (o satiate  some  unhal* 
loved  rage  ?  ll  honour  demands  a  v  ar  wi(  h  Ii,np1and,  what  opiate  lulls  that 
honor  to  !»leep  over  the  m  ronjjs  done  us  hy  Fraucc  H  Ou  land,  robberies, 
tciziuos,  impvisonmcnls  by  French  authority ;  at  sea,  pillage,  finlciiigf, 
burnings  under  French  ord(  >.  Thcue  are  notorious.  Are  thcyunfeltbecaufc 
thoy  are  French  ?  l^  any  alleviation  to  be  found  in  the  corrcspondeure  and 
humiliations  of  the  present  minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  IJ.  States  at  the 
French  rouit  ?  In  his  communications  to  our  goverument,  as  before  the 
public,  where  is  the  cause  tor  now  selecting  France,  as  the  friend  of  oui* 
countr),  and  F/np,land  as  the  enemy. 

If  no  illu^ion^}  of  pejsonal  feelinfr,  and  no  solicitude  for  elevation  of 
place,  ^h()u!;i  be  permitted  to  misguide  the  public  councils ;  if  it  is,  indeed, 
honorable  for  the  true  statesman  to  consult  the  public  welfare,  to  provide, 
m  trutii  for  the  public  defence,  and  impose  no  yoke  of  bondage;  with  full 
3iLnoMied;je  of  the  wrongs  inllictcd  by  the  French,  ought  the  government  of 
this  countrj'  to  aid  the  French  cause  by  engaging  in  war  against  the  enemy 
of  Fiance  ?  To  Jiupply  the  Avaste  of  such  a  m  ar  and  to  meet  the  appropria- 
tions of  millions  extraordinary,  for  the  war  expenditures,  must  our  fellow 
citizeus,  throughout  the  union,  be  doomed  to  mstain  the  burden  of  war 
taxes  in  various  forms  of  direct  and  indirect  imposition  ;  For  official  in- 
formation, rc^pecling  the  millions  deemed  rf(lui^ite  or  charges  of  the  war; 
for  like  information,  respecting  the  nature  and  amount  of  taxes  deemed  re- 
quisite for  drawing  those  millions  from  the  communit  j',  it  is  here  sufficient 
to  reler  to  estimates  aud  reports  made  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  and 
the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  to  the  body  of  resolutions,  passed 
in  March  last,  in  the  house  of  representatives. 

It  would  be  some  relief  to  our  anxiety,  if  amends  were  likely  to  be  made 
for  the  M'cakness  and  wildnes.^  of  the  project,  by  the  prudence  of  the  pre- 
paration. Bat  in  no  aspect  of  this  anomalous  affair  can  we  trace  tl.e 
great  and  distinctive  properties  of  wisdom.  There  is  seen  a  headlong  rush- 
ing, into  difficulties,  with  little  calculation  about  the  means  and  little  con- 
cern about  the  consequences.  With  a  navy  comparatively  nominal,  we 
are  about  to  enter  into  the  lists  against  the  greatest  marine  on  the  globe. — 
With  a  commerce,  unprotected  and  spread  over  every  ocean,  we  propose 
to  make  profit  by  privateering,  and  lor  this  endanger  the  wealth,  of  which 
we  are  honest  proprietors.  An  invasion  is  threatened  of  the  colonies  of  a 
power,  which,  without  putting  a  new  ship  into  commission  ;  or  taking  a- 
ioother  soldier  into  pay,  can  ^ipread  alarm,  or  desolation  along  the  exten- 
sive range  of  our  seaboard.  The  resources  of  our  country,  in  their  natur- 
al state,  great  beyond  our  wantf ,  or  our  hopes  arc  impaired  by  the  effect 
«f  artificial  restraints.  Before  adequate  fortifications  are  prepared 
for  domestic  defence,  before  men,  or  money,  are  provided  tor  a 
^ar  of  attack,  why  hasten  into  the  midst  of  that  awful  contest,  which  is 
laying  waste  Europe  ?  It  cannot  be  concealed,  that  to  engage  in  the  x>ref;- 
ent  war  against  England  ii  to  place  ourselves  on  the  side  of  F'rance ;  cv,eA- 
poses  us  to  the  vasitalage  oi  states,  serving  under  the  banners  of  the  French 
Emperor. 

The  undersigned  cannot  refrain  from  asking,  what  are  the  IT.  States  to 
gain  by  this  war  ?  Will  the  gratification  of  some  privateersmen  comi)ensate 
the  nation  for  that  sweep  of  legitimate  commerce  by  the  extended  marine, 
of  our  enemy,  which  this  <lespeiate  act  invites  ?  Will  Canada  compcutate 
t?e middle  state;,  for  INeM-York  ;  or  the  western  states  for  New-Orleans  ? 
L  t  us  rxt  be  deceived.    A  ^ar  of  iuvaaou  uaay  invito  a  retort  of  inva- 


•%» 


tates  Itg^lf  in- 
'  some  unhal' 
iate  lulls  that 
id,  ToLberies, 
ige,  nnkingsy 
unfeltliecaufe 
jondewce  and 
.  States  at  the 
as  before  the 
friend  of  oui? 

elevation  of 
it  i?,  indeed, 
0,  to  provide, 
age ;  with  full 
government  of 
in  St  the  enemy 
he  appropria- 
ust  our  fellow 
urden  of  war 
^or  official  in- 
es  of  the  Mar ; 
xes  deemed  re- 
here  sufficient 
B  treasury  and 
iUtions,  passed 

:ely  tobemade 
ice  of  the  pre- 
1  we  trace  tie 
,  headlong  xush- 

and  little  con- 
ly  nominal,  we 
on  the  globe.— 
an,  we  propose 
ealth,  of  which 
le  colonies  of  a 
1 ;  or  taking  a- 
long  the  exten- 
,  in  their  natur- 
ed  by  the  effw  t 

are  prepared 
rovided  for  a 
ontest,  which  h 
aire  in  the  pres- 
t  France;  6LeA'- 
rs  of  the  Freiicb 

the  IT.  States  to 
men  comiK-nsate 
xt ended  marine, 
lada  compensate 

]New-OiIeajitJ  ? 

letort  of  inva 


^ 

\>^- 


mon.  When  we  visit  th«  peac«al>1e,  and,  as  to  ns  innocent,  colonies  of  O. 
lEfriiain  with  the  hovrors  of  war  can  we  be  asiaired  that  our  own  coast>tU 
not  be  visited  with  like  horrorB? 

At  a  crisis  of  the  world  ^^uch  a.^  the  present,  and  nnder  impressions  such 
as  these,  the  lUidersigned  could  not  consider  the  war,  in  which  the  U.  States      ^^ 
have,  in  secret  been  precipitated,  as  necessary,  or  required  by  any  moral    ,  % 
duty,  or  any  political  expediency. 


GEORGE  SULLIVAN,  fc/1.//'/^  LEWIS  B.  STITBGES,    \ 
MARTIN  CHITTENiyEN,^/'/  ^  BENJA.  TALLMADGE,) 


r 
#1 


I 


ABIJAII  BIGELOW\ 
ELIJAH  BRIGHAMjt      ^ 
WILLIAM  ELY,         / 
JOSIAH  QUINCY,    I   - 
WILLIAM  READ,       I 
SAMUEL  TAOGART,] 
LABAN  WHEATON,  f 
LEONARD  WIIITE^ 


S  H.  BLEECKEB 
5  JAMES  EMOTT, 


S  ASA  FITCH, 

5  THOMAS  R.  GOLD, 


'*' 


I 


VCXtOLDSBOROUGH,  Ulim^d 
\  H.  M.ilIDGELY,  9)Ufi*^^^  I 
\  JAMES  MILNOR,^Wy^«^W 
S  PHILIP  B.  KEY,  iHs*ifC»*^ 
RICHARD  JACKSON,  Jn^^i^  PHILIP  STUART,  iAU^^^*""^^ 
ELISHA  R.  POTTER,     J  "^^  S  JOHN  BAKER,        ^       :-%      ^ 
EPAPHRODITUS  CHAMPION)  v  JAM^  BRECKENRIDGE,!    C| 
JOHN  DAVENPORT,  Jr.         J  S  JOSEPH  LEWIS,  Jb.  [   "  ? 

S  THOMAS  WILSON, '^  J 

^  A.  M'BRIDE, 
S  JOSEPH  PEARSON, 


^  «■ 


LYMAN  LAW, 
JONA.  O,  MOSELY, 
TIMOTHY  PITKIN,  Jr. 


^^ 


."■■•-ifi",    ,    ■;*-- 


■(r\,,L 


^iH.44<J 


/'iS 


■-..a 


«2 


^a  ■"#' 


h<i  ,«Mil«|llllMt|t#^^,u,^v  1 


* 


f$ft 


NOTE  A. 
f^UMtiiiSif  qf  fiariieuittr  nrticiea,  the  firoduee  rf  the  U,  Stdtiti 
txfiwtedi  from  1 800  /«  1 8 1 1  >  viz  z 


.■IPr 

ISOO 

1801 

1802 

1803 

1804 


COTtON. 

To  an  parti  of  the  noiid*  To  France. 

lbs. 


1805  f  40,S8S,J 

/J  1107  »        i    66,618/ 
f  "*  i808<    ^il,   12,064,.< 


l>09t 
18101 
181l( 


17,789,803 
90i911,«01 
87,501,075 
41,105,623 

38,118,041 

383,491 

282 

737 

346 

53,210,225 

93,874,201 

62,186 


lbs. 
none* 

.\*«4i;7$8 

1,907,849   * 
'S48|l,840 
5,946,848 
4^4,329/ 
7,082,118' 
6,114,358 
2,087,450 
none  direct, 
do. 
do.        2 


if  \K  «'4># 


r. 


f 


\ 


1800 
1802 

V..AaD5  •  ^ 

'.'      1805^'*^ 
>t^jw4807 


^\$^ 


TS  oU  parts  y  the  world, 
«  Tierces. 

112,056 

94,866 

79,822 

81,838 

78,385 

56^30 
102,627 

94,692 

9,228 

116,907 

131,341 

119,356 


'■"$: 


Ci': 


BICE.        I 

To  Franco, 
TieTc«4* 
none*| 
a,724| 
7,186 
3,116 
6,014 

..'   .3,006 
voap  direct, 
do. 
do. 

do.    ^' 


^^fk^ 


\^ 


k 


1800. 

1802 
480«- 


To  all  parts  of  the  world, 

Hhds. 

78,680 

103,758 

77,721  * 

86,291 


f 


i*^ 


^« 


TOBACCO. 

To  France. 
Hhds. 
143 
5,006 
16,216 
9,815 


7^. 


ToBngUmi, 
IIm. 

16,179,513 
18,953.065 
23,473,925 
27,757,307 
25,770,748 
32,571,071 
24,256,457 
53,180,211 
.  7,992,593 
13,365,987 
36,171,915 
46,872,452 


To  England  ic  Colon, 

Tierces. 

77,547 

,     65,022 

37,393 

33,200 

24,975 

24,737 

39,298 

37,417 

4,29a 

32,138 

31,118 

40,045 

• "  ■■■.■  X  .  . 

To  Etifiland  Se  Colon 

Hhds. 

37,798 

55,256 

29,  938 


47,829 


#■ 


i| 


tin  1809,  in  consequence  of  the  emlraTgo  and  non-intercourse  act,  4 
millions  pounds  of  Cotton  were  {■hipped  tor  Mai^eira',  10  and  a  half  mil 
lions 
three 

3  millions  lor  Portugal,  3  T^iillions  for  Madeira,  10  millions  for  Floridasi 
2  millions  for  Europe  gcjieiall/,  4  millions  for  Fayal  and  the  Azores,  li 
millions  for  Denmark  and  Norway,  and  5  millions  for  Sweden. 
II  In  1811, 9  millions  of  pounds  of  Cotton  were  shipped  for  Russit^ 


laol 


tercourse  act,  i\ 
and  ft  half  mil'f 
i8,  1  nulliqp  and! 

. ..  >S  ^i\  ■ 
lipped  for  Spain, 


1804 
1805 
1306 
1807 
1800 
1809 
1810 
1811 


83,343 
71,252 
83,186 
62,232 
9,576 
53,921 
84,134 
35,828 


14,623 

12,1  a-i 

9,182 
2,876 

566 
ii«ne  jiliroct. 
do. 

569 


} 


1300 
1801 
1802 
1803 
1804 
1805 
1808 
1807 
1808 
l(k)9 
1810 
1811 


FlSH,  dried  or  imoalied^ 
To  all  ftarts  of  Vie  world.  To  France. 

Cluintalg. 


Vt^^ 


392,727 
410,948 
440,925 
461,870 
567,828 
514,549 
530,4^)7 
473,924 
155,808 
545,643 
280,804 
216,387 


}-^ 


^••.  '^k 


.t¥'- 


Ctuintals. 

none. 

1,637 
27,067 

3,491 

3,765 
7.S,004 
19,317 
»7,654 
16,144 
non*. 

2,150 
£3,622 


.,;^ 


'H    t>  J 


f4,700 
18,16* 

26,272 
23,(UT 
2,52G 
8,965 
24,067 
20,342 


To  Englandic  Colon. 
Ctuintals. 
141,420 
111,030  X 

92,679  '^ 

71,495 

76,822 

55,676 

66,.'Vr7 

55,'.H2 

26,998 

66,566 

55,456 

83,242 


J8? 


it 


■>4*-*<f 


PICKLED  FISH. 
None  exported  to  European  France. 


.•^< 


.#rrr 


To  all  pdrts  of  the  world. 
Bbls.        v.;,, 

ISOO  ,_        653,052 

1801  ^ii*..i  1,102,444   -  . 

1802  1,156,248 

1803  .  1,311,853 

1304  t,  ^   810,008 

1305  -   777,513 

1306  732,724 
1807  ^3#"  1,249,819 
1308  ,»  263,813 
1709  846,247 

1810  798,431 

1811  ,  1,445,012 


FLOUR.  - 

To  Frarce.    - 
BblH. 

Kone. 

none. 
14,628    ' 
18,045 

1,074 

none.  u 

none. 

none.     ,^        . 

none.     '  *  -^   ^ 

none, 

none. 

2,966 
NAVAL  STORES.— TAR. 


^^^>&&ij 


# 


:;«i. 


To  all  i)arts  of  the  world. 
libls. 

1800  .    59,410 

1801  'l*#   67,437 

1802  "  37,497 

1803  78,989 

1804  58,181 
1S05       72,745 

^-•'.G  6£,723       -.-^, 

1307  69,28^^  ^.p  ; 


To  France. 
BbL. 
none, 
none. 
^797 
none. 
dot 
do. 
^    ao. 


i 


rJaWifVfs 


:i^^3 


■.V 


To  England  &  Colon. 
« -i       Bbls. 

365,739    .  '^Jfr 

758,023  %■: 

''\   484,886       >   • 
,^.:^   502,006       w,. 
■       •'  253,515       •*^ 
:     235,176 

308,048 
^v  >  619,918 
f^^A^      73,084 

23<),8«2 
''-       192,477       ■•% 

275,534 

To  England  &  (^onlo. 
B'.ls. 
58,793 
62,632  "^^'^ 
21,Si>0 
75,295 
45,210 
59f«i39 

L1,23S 


&-,■ 


^ 


.* 


■^" 


■ih> 


U-: 


':*,-. \M- 


*  i 


^  il 


i 


:  I 


;   i 
I 

I 


.'^91^ 


mmhwmmpi 


§4 


1M8 

18,761 

Bone. 

ir.09 

lt8,090 

do. 

S810 

87,.S10 

do. 

1811 

149,796 

do. 
rUHPENTINE. 

1809 

3S,129 

none. 

1801 

Sr>,M5 

do. 

1802 

38,764 

do. 

180S 

61,179 

do. 

1804 

77,825 

do. 

1805 

95,640 

do. 

IIOG 

74,731 

do. 

1807 

53,451 

.  V       do. 

1808 

17,061 

i-   ,    do. 

1809 

77,398 

do. 

1810 

62,912 

*    -:   do. 

1811 

100,242 

do. 

m 


17,700 

93,072 

50,021 

12S/)34 


32,580 
35,143 
36,769 
60,732 
76,950 
94,328 
71,854 
52,J07 
17,009 
22,885 
36,995 
97,250 


lUMBER. 

Of  the  rasi  quantities  of  Lumber  exported,  from  1800  to  1811,  only  » 
^vw  SiaTes  and  headiii{;  went  to  France,  as  follows,  viz  : 

'fhousandi  of  Staves  and  Heading, 


1801 

■• 

. 

6,349 

1803 

. 

m 

357 

1804 

?«#? 

* 

321 

1805 

m 

• 

466 

1806 

V 

. 

716 

1807 

• 

• 

^14 

1809 

- 

- 

105 

^:,    '•; 

•*S»T*  ^^ 

.<!    - 

*  ?/ 

'J 

.-'L  ;^*-'- 

''.''."'■-■ 

'  i 

'-          T 

i 

..  '■' 

"i'^H-    : 

1.1--' 


0    '^   ■  . 


wS^.;*!, 


.*»•■ 


t.:.tL. 


V'^^*-m 


-i-*;*':': 


'^ 


w 


*X-i 


•--'%■' 


#'■ 


17,700 

93,072 

50,021 

L2d,0d4 


32,580 
35,143 
86,769 
60,732 
76,950 
94,328 
71,854 
52,107 
17,009 
22,885 
36,995 
97,250 

4^       i.- 


to  1811,  only  * 


)49 
$57 


k66 

ri6 
hi 

L05 


